PREVIOUS HOUR
 

-SK/YSR/4.00/3B

SHRI R. SHUNMUGASUNDARAM (CONTD.): Seeing the growth and progress made in the country, it would not be difficult to do it online. Everything can be done online. I welcome this proposal.

As far as the second proposal, prohibition of pre-poll survey and exit poll of elections, is concerned, these surveys do not come out correctly. On several occasions, we have seen predictions going wrong. Even the exit polls go wrong because sampling is not done properly. Experts do not go there. There are some vested interests in the media and other agencies which conduct the survey. For that reason, the predictions go wrong. So, this is an effective way to deal with this. While voting, people should have free mind. With these words, I conclude and I welcome the Bill. Thank you, Sir.

(Ends)

SHRI N. JOTHI: Sir, in Tamil Nadu...(Interruptions)

SHRI R. SHUNMUGASUNDARAM: Sir, a case is pending against him. (Interruptions)

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P.J. KURIEN): Shri Manohar Joshi, please.

SHRI MANOHAR JOSHI (MAHARASHTRA): Sir, I am thankful to you for having given me this opportunity to speak on this important Bill. This Bill is a non-official Bill. We must understand that such Bills are moved in the House because the House must express its opinion on such Bills. I want to congratulate Mr. Narayanasamy for bringing this Bill before the House.

Sir, I am speaking on this Bill only because I think that I must also express what my party feels about the compulsion of voting. As a matter of fact, this Bill should have been brought with only first part of the Bill.

The first part of the Bill says that there should be compulsory voting by voters in elections. This is one part of the Bill. The other part of the Bill is whether the survey, either by the print or the electronic media, should be conducted and published.

As regards the first part, I have no doubts that it is necessary that voting is to be made compulsory. I say this because the very right of voting is an important one and we all expect that every citizen, who is entitled to vote, must go and vote.

Unfortunately, this does not happen. People have apathy and they do not think that voting is necessary. But after elections are over, they criticise the elected representatives. I have seen a number of people criticising the Government and the elected representatives. Their criticism pains me only because some of them have not voted during elections. Therefore, I think it is necessary to understand why people do not go for voting. The first thing that I have noted is this. Almost 60 years have passed after Independence, but the elected representatives have not gained the confidence of the people. (Contd. by RG/3C)

RG/4.05/3C

SHRI MANOHAR JOSHI (contd.): The people, in general, do not think that elections matter at all. They don't think that any party, or any Member, who is elected, would do something better for the people. In fact, the people have got a general opinion that those persons, who are elected, think for themselves, work for themselves. Therefore, it is necessary that the quality of politicians is also improved. Some people do not go for voting because they think that the election day is a day of holiday and it is a day for enjoyment and relaxation. Therefore, they do not care to go and vote. I have also seen that some people are very casual about elections. And the whole thing happens because the people have not yet understood the importance of elections. To my mind, this particular Resolution is a very important Resolution. The Government must consider it seriously, and they must bring in a law, a flawless law, which will make voting compulsory. Otherwise, you become a representative of the people, whose number is sometimes just 25 per cent, as the remaining 75 per cent have not voted in the election. Another thing which I have found is that those people, who are really intelligent, who are clever, who are educated, do not also contest elections because the people are, unfortunately, not believing that these elected representatives would do something better for them. The standard of elections, the standard of elected representatives, need to be improved. Therefore, it is absolutely necessary that voting is made compulsory.

Sir, the expenditure of elections these days is also tremendous. Somebody told me that the expenditure for an Assembly election, has gone up to a crore of rupees. This is as far as unofficial expenditure is concerned. I am not talking about the official expenditure. And, the expenditure for election to Parliament has gone up to Rs.5 crores. In the circumstances, would it be possible for a common man to contest elections? I remember some Election Commissioner did try to control these expenditures. But they have, as a matter of fact, failed. I remember, when Shri Seshan was the Chief Election Commissioner, he used the present rules and laws, and, to a certain extent, the expenditure was saved. But, otherwise, this huge expenditure of election is also to be controlled. And, even after doing all these things, if the people are not going to vote, I wonder what the fate of this democracy will be. This is what has made me to speak on this issue. Otherwise, I had no desire to speak. And, I congratulate Shri V. Narayanasamy for bringing in a very good Bill before the House. The House has to discuss it seriously and the Government also has to take it up seriously.

At times, I thought whether the right to vote for everybody, who has completed the age of 18 years, is also proper. (Continued by 3D)

3d/4.10/ks

SHRI MANOHAR JOSHI (CONTD.): Of course, this issue was raised sometimes in Lok Sabha and there was a general consensus that irrespective of anything, a person must be allowed to vote. One, who has attained the age of 18 years, should be allowed to vote. Can there be different criteria for voting? Can there be some other conditions? A person who goes for voting must know why and what he is voting for. Unfortunately, I have seen groups of people in villages controlling the voting pattern and the entire village going and voting for one party. How does it happen? It does not happen simply because they have any love for one individual or a particular party. They go and vote for a particular individual or a particular party only because sometimes they are threatened or sometimes they are bribed. Can we change it? Election reforms in our country are absolutely necessary. I am really proud of the fact that this country has a democratic Government and democracy exists in our country. Therefore, from the point of view of democracy and from the point of view of having free and fair elections, it is necessary that voting is made compulsory. Therefore, I am in full agreement with Mr. Narayanasamy and his point about compulsory voting is well-taken.

As regards his second point, whether a poll-survey, either by the electronic media or the print media, should be stopped, I have a different opinion. I feel, once we have accepted democracy as the form of Government, the media is free to carry out and publish a poll-survey.

Therefore, I would say that this particular Resolution has two parts. Part one is acceptable to me and part two is not acceptable to me.

I would also like to reply to the issue that has been raised by Shri Sharad Joshi, the hon. Member. He has said that the implementation of this particular Resolution may be difficult, so far as compulsory voting is concerned. I personally feel that for every law, the implementation has been difficult. As a matter of fact, the difficulty with our democracy is that we have a number of laws which are good and which are passed sometimes unanimously, sometimes by majority, but their implementation is very poor. Yet, do we stop passing laws because they are difficult to implement? Some hon. Members raised the issue of expenditure also. I think the expenditure part or the implementation part of this particular Bill need not be thought of and we should go ahead with compulsory voting because it is by compulsory voting that real democracy will come and the citizens of the country, those who are eligible, will vote.

(Ends)

DR. RADHAKANT NAYAK (ORISSA): Sir, this is a very important Bill which has been brought forward by Shri Narayanasamy. I congratulate him very warmly because here is a Bill which is so important and so substantial for the success or failure of democracy. We are a democratic country and voting amounts to some kind of a procedure for sustaining and for maintaining democracy. (Interruptions) Any problem, Sir?

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P.J. KURIEN): No, no. The only problem is about maintaining democracy. (Followed by 3e/tdb)

TDB/3E/4.15

DR. RADHAKANT NAYAK: Well said, Sir. So, my submission would be, Sir, perhaps we are agitated or we are exercised over procedures. We are, perhaps, not discussing the substance which has been brought out by this Bill. This is a very thought-provoking Bill, and I support it with certain conditions, with certain small, you know, what you call, reservations as well. Sir, long ago, Abraham Lincoln had said that Democracy is of the people, by the people, for the people. I need not remind this. This is very oft-quoted and oft-repeated, at the same time, also has become more or less an obsolete statement because, perhaps, we have forgotten about it; its meaning, its content. It is very, very philosophical. At the same time, it is very important, Sir. So, my submission is that here are people who are sovereign, and we are trying to force them to vote for us. Those of us, whether we deserve or not, we are not discussing that. We are discussing about the people's rights, whether to vote or to abstain from it, which is a very important thing, Sir. The people are sovereign. There was a famous philosopher called Rousseau. He said that you cannot force a person to be free. Then, it becomes dictatorial. That dictatorship amounts to forcing somebody to do this or to do that, especially when you are talking of maintaining yourself.

Now, Sir, the question is, the democracy as we have in this country, whether it is representative at all. Maybe the democracy has so far succeeded because the people have not exercised their intellect; their interests and their real will which is to be reflected in a democratic set up. It has not been so, Sir. Today, we don't have any kind of voter education; today we are not making the people aware of the democratic values, the principles, the philosophies of democracy. And now, Sir, here is a population where about 60 to 70 per cent of the people do not know what exactly the Parliament has been doing, what exactly the judiciary has been doing, how the executive is running the Government, what are the legal systems, what are the programme systems, what are the development aspects, etc. You are forcing them to elect somebody which they may not like. Sir, this voter-apathy is not new to the world. Even there is voter-apathy in the United States of America. Only yesterday, this statement came that the President of America is very worried because a lot of people are not going to vote. The youth in Germany are not at all voting. About 60 per cent of the youth are not voting because they do not have any faith in the representatives which they send. Therefore, my point is that, Sir, whether the representative character is being reflected in the voting pattern, voting system or the electoral processes. Until and unless that is established fully, until and unless the quality of democracy, the quality of the procedures, the quality of the substances on which we should argue is established, it is not possible, Sir. Long time ago, Sir, it had been said, I think, it was Lord Brice who said that eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. Now, Sir, who will be vigilant, until and unless a person is truly representative in the Parliamentary system? Sir, not only that. Today, the entire democratic structure that we have got is not at all representative. Of the three wings, only Parliament is being elected, where the people reflect their ideas. What about the judiciary? What about the other wing? Therefore, my point is, Sir, it is a very substantive issue which Mr. Narayanasamy has raised. My submission is that we have to reflect on the entire democratic structure that we have established in this country, and to make it really democratic what exactly are the conditions that have to be fulfilled, which we have to fulfil. Only then, Sir, it will be possible for us to discuss about these procedural aspects of why should people vote, whether they should vote or not and whether the age should be limited or not. These are, Sir, all procedural issues. Therefore, my point is, why not go into the gamut of the issues that are involved to maintain or to make the democracy a success.

Sir, you are aware why democracy is the best form of Government, despite all its weaknesses, like it is so weak, it is very expensive, it is so delaying. These are so many factors which make democracy as the best form of Government, despite all these defects, mainly because we have not reflected the true content, the true substance of democracy and the people who are voting for it.

(Contd. by 3f-sss)

SSS-NB/3F/4.20

DR. RADHAKANT NAYAK (CONTD.): Sir, in the beginning itself I mentioned that people are sovereign. Now, Sir, who are these people? This country is multi-religious, multi-ethnic and it has got lot of different identities. I would like to know whether all these identities are being reflected in your electoral procedure. It is not. There are so many groups of people who are not at all represented. We have an electoral system which is just one man, one boat. It is absolutely wrong. That is why, Sir, today, world over, there are countries which are agitating on the proportional representation system. We have to learn even the systems that are available in a small island called Fiji. Even we need to go into the German green party which with two per cent got represented in the National Government. There are certain ethnic groups, there are certain linguistic groups, and there are certain religious groups. They are not being represented in the National Government. Therefore, Sir, we have instability, we have got crossing the floors, we have got frequent hire and fire business. So, we have to reflect seriously on the democratic structure we have got, the democratic form that is available to us. Despite all the defects this is the best form of Government but it has to be more best so that the will of individual voter, his desires, his anxieties, and his interests are reflected in the Parliament. Then, only, Sir, we can discuss about the voting procedures and patterns. Thank you. (Ends)

ִ ֻ ֳֻ (ӕֲ) : ֳ֬ , ִֵָ ׾֬ ֋ , ֮֯ ׾֬ ָ ֮ ָ פ , ׻֋ ֯ ֮־֤ ִֵָ ׮ֵָ ־ ֤ ֤õ ִֵ ָ ׮־ֵ ֤֮֟ ֤֮֟- ֣ ֤֮֟ ֿ֟ ־ ן ׾֬, 2004 ֋ ׾֬ ֮ ׾ָ֓ ֮ ׻֋ ֛

ֳ֬ , ֕ ꌿ֮ ִֵ ֤֮֟ ָ ׮־ԓ֮ ֨ן ׮¯ ֮֮ ׻֋ ִֵ-ִֵ ָ ׸֟Ԯ ֋ ֌ ֓ פ ֟ օ ߤָ ֛ , ִ ָ - ֌ ו ߤָ , ߤָ ־ דŮ ֌ ָ ֤֟֟ ִ ֮ ֓ ֻ ִ ֤֟֟ ֮ ֌ ָ ֟ , ֓ ׻֋ ֟ ֤֟֟ ֟ , ֮ ߤָ ֌ ֻ ֟ օ ױ ֵ ָ ׮¯ ־ , ׻֋ ֨ן ֤ פ ֵ ֻ ֌ ֵ ָ ևԅ

3G/VNK ָ ֿ:


-NB/VNK-NBR/4.25/3g

ִ ֻ ֳϾֻ (֟) : ָ , ָ ߤָ , ־ ד֮ ָ ו , ֌ ֻ ִ ֵ - ׸ꌙ ֟ , ֤֟֟ - ָ ֟ , ꌙ׮ Ù ֮ , ֻ ֋ ֻ , , ׻֋ ֮֬ ꌙ׮ Ù ֵ ֣ , ֮ ֻ , ׻֋ ׸ֵ ֛ פ ִ ֛ Ӭֻ , ׻֋ ֻ֮, ֮ ßֻ ֺ ֣ ׮־ֵ , , ָ , ֮֋ ״ֻ ߤָ , ֻ ߤָ ׸ֵ ֛ , ִ֟ ׸ ָ ߤָ , ָ ֙ ֻ֟ , ׻֋ ָ߲ ָ ׸ֵ ֛ ֲ ֟ ֋, ֲ ־ ֟ ֋ ֲ ֯ ֯ ׸ֵ ֛ פ ֋, ׻֋ Ӭֻ ׻֋ ־ ׮¯ ׮׿֟ ׻֋ ֺ ֤֟֟ ָ ֮ ֻ֮ ׮־ֵ ֋, ֺ ֋ ֮ ßֻ , ־ ֮ ϟֿ ֻ ֣-֣, ֲ ־ , ٴֵ ٤ ָ ֻ֮ ׻֋ ָ ֟ , ׌ֵ ֟ , ֮ ר߾ ֛-֛ ߻ ֛-֛ ֕ , ֻ֟ ׸ָ ָ ֻ֮ ׻֋ ֟ , ׌ ֛ ֮ ֮ ֱֻ ִ֟ ־ ֤ ר߾ 괲ָ ָ ֲ ֤ ㌟֓߮ ׻֋ ֺ ָ ־ ֤֮֟ , ׮־ֵ ֺ ӡ ׻֋ þִ -ָָ ׾֬ ֋ , ׻֋ ֬և ֡ -ָָ ׾֬ ָ ֳ ֤ ֮-֮ 滵 ׾ָ֓ פ ֤ ׾ָ , ִ֟ ֤ ײֻ ֋ , ׾ָ ֋ ִ ֮֮ߵ ֤ ן ֟ ָ ֻ ֋, ֌־ ֤֮֟ ϵ , ׻֋ ֺ ß ָ ֮ ׻֋ ӡ ֮ ßֻ ׻֋ ֬ ֋ ('3h/mp' ָ ָ)

MP/3H/4.30

ִ ֻ ֳϾֻ (֟) : , ֣-֣ ־ ֓ ֋ ָ ӓֵ֟ ־ , ֮ ״ֻ֟ ... ־ ֤ ֓ ֟ ָ ־ , וֻ ׸֤ ־ , ָ׻ ־ , ָ֮ ־ , .. .ߕ ־ , ָ ו֮֟ ֓ , ֯ ֟։, ֓ ֟ ֮ ״֡ ָ , ׯ֔ ־ , ׻ֱ ֵօ ִ , ϟֿ ָ ֙ י ״ֻ ֵ, ֮ ֋ ֮ ֕ ־ ָ߲ ֵ פ֮ ׻֋ , ִֻ֯ ֮ ׻֋ , ׻ , ֮ ֵ ־ ֟ , ֮ ָ ָߤ , ׸ֵ-֛ ֮ ױ ߟ֮ ֤, ָ ֟ , ׸ָ ָ , ָ߲ ָ , ִֻ֯ ָ ֟ ֻ ֟ ֮ ֵ ֵ , ֋ ׸ ? ֨ן , , ׾ָָ֓ ײ ӡ ׾ ֟ ֮ ָ ֓ , ֵ֕ individual , ָָ ָָ ֓ , ߤָ ֛ , ֓ ֛, ֻ , ֓ ֮ ֻ , ׸ָ , ֓ ӡ ָ ֮ ָ ֯ ׻֋ , ׮־ֵ ֻ֮ Ӿ׮ ׬ָ ״ֻ , ײ ֻ֮ , ֮ Ծ ִ֮ ִֵָ ֕ ־֮֬ , ׸ ִ և , ִֵ ׻֋ ï , ֟ ֻ ׸ָ ֮ ֟ ׬ָ ßֻ օ ֳ֬ , ֺ , ִֵ ֻ֮ ׮־ֵ ן ־ֿ ӡ ,

, ֣ ָ ֤֮֟ ֣ ֤֮֟ ֿ֟ ־ ֵ ֯ ֟ ־ , כ - دϙ כ ꌙ׮ כ ....

(3J/SC ָ ֿ:)

SC-VP/4.35/3J

ִ ֻ ֳϾֻ (֟) : ֛-֛ ָ֮ ָ ֮ ו ֙ ו ֙ , ֮ ־ ֟ ָ ֟ , ֟ - ָ - ֙ ן׮׬ ֛ ֯ ֻ ֤ ֟֟ ֮ ָ ֙ ֮ ָ ֙ ͅ ָ , ׸֟ ֮ ֜־ ָ ֲӤ ֮ , ™ן ־ دי כ ׮ כ , ֮ ֳ֌ , ֟ ֟ ֻ֟ ™ן ֤ ׻֋ ߤָ ֛ , ׸ ָ - ֲָ ֱ ָ ָ , ׻ ׮ֵ ߅ ׾ָ֓ ֟ ָ ִ ֮ ֤ ָ ֻ ™ן ָ ӡ ׮ֵ ֲ ֛ ӡ , ߤָ ָ ָ ϓָ ָ ֟ ׻֋ ׮־ֵ ֮ ֮֮ כ, ןֳ ֮ ֮ ׻֋ ִ , ָ ֲӤ ֮ ֮ ֤֕ ָ ֮ ִ֮ ֮ ֕֟ ״ֻ֮ ֲ ֣ ׾֬ "" "" ִ֣Ԯ ָָ ׾֮֟ - ָ ӡ - ָָ ָ ӳ߸ ׾ָ֓ ן ־ֿ - ׻֋ ֺ , ӡ ׻֋ ֺ ׻֋ ִ֣Ԯ . ִֵָ ֬և ֬և ֡ ׾֬ ֋ - ֮־֤ (ִ֯)

SHRI N. JOTHI: Mr. Vice-Chairman, Sir, I want to make a small request. ..(Interruptions).. I am greatly pained in my heart. ..(Interruptions).. Mr. Vice-Chairman, Sir, to uphold the dignity of this House, I am saying this. Whatever may be the political rivalry, please kindly go through the proceedings. I fully depend and believe on you. Whatever objectionable is there, you kindly remove it. Sir, I am pained in my heart. ..(Interruptions)..

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P.J. KURIEN): Mr. Jothi, immediately after..(Interruptions).. Listen, listen..(Interruptions).. Since you raised this point, if you are mentioning about the previous speaker, immediately, after he mentioned something which was not parliamentary, I expunged it. If there is anything more, ..(Interruptions)..I will go through the records and it will be expunged.

SHRI N. JOTHI: Sir, I am entirely at your hands.

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Now, Prof. Ram Deo Bhandary.

0 ִ ӛָ (ײָ) : ֮֮ߵ ֳ֬ , ֮֮ߵ ֤õ .ִֵָ ָ ãׯ֟ ׮־ֵ ֤֮֟ ֤֮֟- ֣ ֤֮֟ ֿ֟ ־ ן ׾֬, 2004 ֕ Ӥ , ֕ ִו ֮֕ן Ӥ , ִ ֯ ֕ ֤֮֟ ãן ־ ־ ןֿ֟ ֙ ֻ , ӡ ׻֋ ֟ ֮֟ ӡ ׮ֵ֤ ֤֮֟ ־ ָָ ֮֟ , ־ ָָ ־ ָ ܵ ܵ, ֟-ןֿ֟ ֮֟ ֟ (3-ߋ ָ ֟)

MCM-PK/3K/4-40

0 ִ ӛָ (֟) : ܵ ֮֟, ܵ ֲֻ֟ 51 ןֿ֟ ֟ , 90-95 ןֿ֟ ܵ ֮֟ פ ֓ ֟ ָָ ֮֟ ãן 25 ןֿ֟, 30 ןֿ֟ ןֿ֟ ֟ ׾֮֬ ֳ , ֳ ֟ ִ֟ ָָ ֮֟ ֲ ִ֟ ָָ ֮֟ ֟ߕ - ֲָ ֋ ָָ ãָ , 5 ֻ ־ ֻ, ֻ ߮ ֻ ֟ ֤֮֟ Ӿ׮ ׬ָ ֳ ֤֟֟ֆ , ֤֮֟ ֳ ֤֟֟ Ùߙֻ֮ ׬ָ , ־ã ײ֮ ֵ ײ֮ ޛ ָ ײ֮ ֳ ֤֟֟ ֤֮֟ , ־ã ָָ , ֤֟֟ֆ ׻י ֙ ױ ֟ ֵ

( ֳ֯ן ߚ߮ )

֟ , ָ ֟֯ןֿ֟ ֟ ָ ֤֮֟ ֤֮֟ օ ָ ֤֮֟ , ײָ ֟ ײָ ָ ִ ײָ ָ ߻ ָ֟ , ִ ߸ ֣ פ ֣ Ϥ ָ߲ - ׻֋ ָ Ϥ ֟ , - ֻ ֟ פ ֤֮֟ ׻֋ ֮ ָ ֮ ױ ָ ֮ ֓ , ִֵ ָ-ӓ-: פ ֟ ãן ׻֋ ־ ־ã ֋ ꌿ֮ ߿֮ ֮ ֡ ֮־֋ , ֟ ֓ظ ֲ֤ß ֤֮֟ , ֮ ֡ ֮֮ ִ և ָ ָ ״֡ ֮ ֡ ִ , ־ã , ֮ ־ã ־ã ֤֮֟ ָ -ָ ֻ ֟ ֤֟֟ ֟ ׯ , ִ֮ ֤֮֟ פֻ ־ã և ꌿ֮ ߿֮ ־ã ו ִ և ָ ָ ײ֮ ֵ þ֟ӡ ֤֮֟ ֮ פ ִ , ִ ֤֮֟ ֤ ֤֮֟ ִֵ ָ ֮֯ 00 ֻ -ײָ á ֋ ֤֮֟ ֟ ֟ , ׻ ־ ָ ֤֮֟ ֟ ֣ ָ ֛ ֛ ִ-ִ և ֛ Ӿ ֤֮֟ ָ , ר߾ ֓ ꅠ ] ִ-ִ , 00 ֻ ָ ו֋ , ә ָ - ߙ ֮ ָ ׮ ֤֮֟ ֟ ֻ֟ ִ֬ (3L ָ ֿ:)

GS-PB/3L/4.45

. ִ ӛָ (֟) : פ ׯ׮ ָ ֻ ֟ ױ ؛ և , ׮֯֙֟ , ׻֋ ֤֮֟ ןֿ֟ ָ ָ Ӿ , ֤֮֟ ׻֋ ֟ ֮֟ ִ, ִϤֵ ִ ָ ֤֮֟ ãן ֵ֮ ֟ , ٴ ֤ ֵ ֟ , ֟-֟ ֟ , ֲ ־֕ ִ ֤֟֟ Դָ֤֮ ֤֮֟ ӡ ׮ֵ֤ , Ӿ 70 ןֿ֟ Ӿ ֤֮֟ , ׻֋ ӡ ׮ֵ֤ Ӿ

ֳ֯ן , ָָ ׮׿֟ פ ָָ ֮ ָ ãן , , ָ ӡ ׮ֵ֤ , ֕ ֛ ֵ߅ . ִֵָ ׯ׮ֵ֮ ֟ ֮ ײֻ Exit Poll ו ׯ׮ֵ֮ , ־ , ׯ׮ֵ֮ , ־ , ײֻ ֵו֟ ׻י ֙ ִ ָ ׻י ֙ ָ ֵו֟ ָ ־ Ù , ׯ׮ֵ֮ , ׯ֔ ָ ֲ ֳ ־ , ױ ֛ߋ ָָ ֮֮ ֟ ׯ׮ֵ֮ ֵ , ָָ ߋ ֮ ֵ߅ ־ , וִ֮ ׯ׮ֵ֮ , Exit Poll , ֱ ָ Դָ֤֮ Exit Poll , ִ ָ ӓ ׻֋ ֟ , , ֛ ָ ״ֻ ֟ , , Exit Poll ֻ Ӿ ֟ , ֛ ָ ״ֻ ֟ , ֟ ָ ׸ֻ Exit Poll ׯ׮ֵ֮ ֤֟֟ ϳ׾֟ ֟ ֤֟֟ ו פ ־ ֬ פ ֟ ֵ ֟ ֤֟֟ ֛ և ָ ֛ פ ֵ , ֵ ֮ - ָ֬ , פ ֵ ֻ֮ ָ ֤֟֟ , ָ ׯ׮ֵ֮ ָ ֛ ׻֋ ײֻ ֱֻ ׸ֻ ָ ׯ׮ֵ֮ Exit Poll ָ ׯ׮ֵ֮ Exit Poll , ֲ ֤֮֟ ִ֯ ֟ , ֤ ֤֮֟ ִ֯ ֤ ָ ׯ׮ֵ֮ Exit Poll , , ֤ ֱ ׸ֻ ֮

ֳ֯ן , ײֻ ׾ß ײֻ ߔ ָ ß ׮, ָ ֳ ֤֟֟ֆ ֤֮֟ ֵ, ך ֺ ֟ ָ ס , ־ã ָ ֤֟֟ ֤֮֟ ֵ, פ ֵ ־ ָ ָ ־ ֻ ׻֋ ס ß ֛օ

ֳ֯ן , ־ֿ , ָ ֤֮֟ ןֿ֟ ָ ߸-߸ ָ ֻ ֵ, פ ӡ ֲ֕ ׮ֵ֤ , ִ ָ ֛ ֵ߅ .ִֵָ ֮־֤ ֯ ׾ß ײֻ ֤ :ãׯ֟ - ֮־֤ (ִ֯)

(3 ָ )

ASC-SKC/4.50/ 3M

׿֤ (֮ Ϥ) : ָ, ִֵָ ٻִֵ Ӥ ײֻ ֋ ײֻ , ֮ ֯ ֵ ײֻ ָ ֺ ֮ , ӟև ײֻ ָ, ֲ ִ ֻ֟ߠ , ֻ֟ , ֌ ֣-֣ Ӥ ֲ׻ֵ ֟ ִӤ ִ֟ ִ׸֟ ß֮ ֤֕, Ӥ ֤ ֕ , ֕ֆ ֕ ֻ ֟ ߅ ֻ ֛և ֛ ֤, ֛ ֤, ֮ ֤, ֮ ֤ ֤֕ օ ֤֕ ״ֻ, ؙ և ״ֻօ ؙ և , ו ֮ ָָ ß ָ ֮ ֋ ֋? ߱ , ӟև ߱ , ֮ ߛ և , ו֮ ׻֋ ֛և ֛ , ִ֮ ? ׻֋ ׻֋ ֛և ֛ Ӥ פ ֋, ו ׻֋ Ԯ , ׻֋ ֮ ׻֋ ֤֕ 60 ֻ ָ ֣ ß֮ ֤֕ օ ß֮ ֤ ֻ֤ ֤֕ օ և ß֮ ִ׸֟ ֻ֤ ִ׸֟? 60 ֻ Ӥ ׻ ֻ֟ և? ֻ ݻ ִ׸֟ ֮ , ׸ ִ׸֟ ֮ , ß֮ ִ׸֟ ֲֻ 60 ֻ Ӥ ו֮֟ ֱ ־ָ ô , ֵ֤ ߮ օ ָ, ݻ և ״׮Ù Antony Eddie ׸ ֺ ֜ օ , "Of all the experiments in Government which have been attempted since the beginning of time..."֟ ו֮֟ ָ ָָ ֮,"...I believe that the Indian venture into parliamentary government is the most exciting. A vast sub-continent is attempting to apply to its tens and hundreds of millions, a system of free democracy, which has slowly evolved over the centuries in the small island. It is a brave thing to try to do so. If it succeeds its influence on Asia, whatever the outcome, we must honour this". ֟׮ֵ ֕߸-̴֕ ß֮ ִ׸֟ ָ օ ֟׮ֵ ֟ , ß-ß ֻ ֤ և , ֮ 60 ֻ Ӥ ߾ , ׮ֵ ָ ֤ ֋օ ߴ֟ , ֲ ߴ֟ ֱ ֣ 60 ֻ Ӥ ִ׸֟ ֺ ֲ֕ , ֱ ו֋, ׻י ֤ ֟ ֙ ֻ և ֕ 20-25 ֻ ٻִֵ ָ ֟ , ״׮Ù ֟ , ֋֋ ֟ , ֕ ֟ ߅ ָ ֕֟ , ֮ ׻֋ Ӥ communalism, casteism regionalism, ߮ ߕ וִָ ֲ ֟ פ Ӥ ֤ ֤֮ ׻֋ ֮֟ ָ communalism, regionalism casteism ֤ , ֤ ִ׸֟ ߮ , ֤, ֤-֤ Ӥ ֳ֟ , (ֿ: 3N/LP ָ)

ASC-LP/4.55/3N

׿֤ (֟) : פ Ӥ, ә Ӥ ֲ ָ ٻִֵ 괲ߕ ָ ֙ ֻ ֻ ָ, ֓ ָ ֤ ֛ ֛ ֌֙ ָ ֛ ֲ ָֻ י , ֲ օ ִ֟ ֚ ֻ ֤֕ ֤ ֛־ ָ ֋ , ֮ ֛օ ָ Ùߙ֮ ֺ Ùߙ֮ ׻֋ , Ùߙ֮ ׻֋ Ùߙ֮ 105 , , ָ ֵ , ָ ֕ ֵ ֻ ִ׸֟ ֕ ֟ וִ ֮ ֟ , ֟օ ֤ ֲָָ ܟֵָ ׮־֙ և ָֻ ׮־֙ ָ֯ , ß֮ Ϭִ֮ӡ ִ ִ ֤, , ֲ ֮ ßֻ , ֲ ָָ ֮߅ ֕ ו ײָ֤ ֤ ֛ ֟ , ָ ָ ֯ և ָ ֛ ו ײָ֤ ߛ ֛, ֟ ָ ײָ֤ ߛ ֛ , ׻֋ ֻ֮ ֋? ֻ֮ ֟ ֮ ߴ֟ ִֵָ ״׮Ù ֤ ײֻ ׾֤ , ֋ ָ ֯ ֛ ״׮Ù ׸Ù ֮ ֤ ָֻ ؙ ֤ ׻֋ ֻ֮ וִָ, ֻ֮ ֋ ףֵ ֟ ֻ֮ ֟, ֲ ֤ יև ִ ִ , ִ׸֟ Ӥ יև ֤ ֵָ͟ , ו פ ꌿ֮ , ֛ ֤֤ פ ֮֮ ִ , פ ָ ߵָ ߮ ִ , פ ָ כ֮ ִ , ָ ־֮Դ יև ִ ֟ ׻֋ ָ ״כ , ֻ , ֜-׻ ֤ וִָ ָ ֵ ָ ߛ Ӥ ֋ Ӥ ִ ߛ Ӥ , ׻֋ ׮ֿ֮ , ֯ ػ ָ ֮ ֛օ ֯ ׸ , ֯ ԕ ֮ ֤֕ ֵ ֱ ָ߲ ֤ ֯ ָ ֤ ֮ ֛, ֛, ֻ ֕ ֻ , ָ ׾ָ֓ ֲ ߕ ָֻ ֟ ׮ֵ Ӥ ֕ ָ ֯ ָֻ , ָ ֲӤ ֯ ֮ ߅ ʹ׸֟ ֲ֕ ׻֋ ָ ֻ ߮ ֕ ֋, ׮ִֿ ֋, ָ ߠ ִ և ߮ ׻֋ ֋, ָ ׾ָ֓ ָ ֕ ֋,

ָ ֟ ײֻ Ӥ ݕ͙ ָ և , ײֻ ֟ ꌿ֮ ߿֮ 2004 ׸ ݕ͙ ָ ֲӤ ֋ ߴ Ӥ ؛ ֮ ָ֮ ׻ֲ֮ ֵ ִ և ֱ̻ ֋, ִ և ׻֋ ֯ ֤֕ (akg/3O ָ ָ)

KSK/AKG/5.00/3O

׿֤ (֟) : ֤ ֤֕ օ ֯ freedom of expression

ֳ֯ן : , 5 ֕ ֋ ֯ ֻ ָ continue ו֋

׿֤ :

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: The debate remains inconclusive. It will continue.

׿֤ : ָ, ֳ ֛ ָ , ֲ ֵ-ֵ ֯ ֮ օ ָ ï ֯ continue , ֕ continue ֵօ

ֳ֯ן : օ

׿֤ : ֯ continue ꅠ ׻֋, ֟

MESSAGE FROM LOK SABHA

THE APPROPRIATION (RAILWAYS) NO. 4 BILL, 2007.

SECRETARY-GENERAL: Sir, I have to report to the House the following message received from Lok Sabha, signed by the Secretary-General of Lok Sabha:-

"In accordance with the provisions of rule 96 of the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Lok Sabha, I am directed to enclose the Appropriation (Railways) No. 4 Bill, 2007, as passed by Lok Sabha at its sitting held on the 29th November, 2007.

The Speaker has certified that this Bill is a Money Bill within the meaning of article 110 of the Constitution of India."

I lay a copy of the Bill on the Table.

(Ends)

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: The House stands adjourned to meet tomorrow, Saturday, the 1st December, 2007, at 11.00 a.m.

 

***

The House then adjourned at one minute past

five of the clock till eleven of the clock on

Saturday, the 1st December, 2007.

 

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