SHRI S.S. AHLUWALIA (CONTD.): "...There was no satisfactory answer, however, as to how the Maoists could lay mines in the Mansingber area, beside the Bhangabera bridge in the CPM stronghold of Khejuri..."


The district police super says, 'Two people have died in the explosion. Whether this is due to bombs or mines is not possible to assert at this moment."


On land mines the State Home Secretary states, "Cannot be ascertained at present. We are investigating." Are the Maoists behind the blasts?

* Spoke in Bengali.

He is of the opinion, so far it is not clear. But he comments, "If it is a handiwork of the Maoists, then, it is a matter of concern."


THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P.J. KURIEN): Shri Ahluwaliaji, please conclude.

SHRI S.S. AHLUWALIA: Sir, I am concluding.

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: You have taken a lot of time.

SHRI S.S. AHLUWALIA: Now, the point is, who has done this? (Interruptions)..

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Let him conclude. ..(Interruptions).. Please, don't disturb. ..(Interruptions).. Don't provoke further. Let him conclude.

SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI: Mr. Vice-Chairman, Sir, I will take just half a minute, if he yields. Sir, I just want to make the record straight in the House. I was not in the House. I got the information that a very distinguished leader or a friend of mine from Samajwadi Party, Shri Amar Singh, took my name in connection with a few leaders. The fact is that we are all together, including Shri Amar Singh, and my distinguished colleague Shri Subroto Mukherjee's real product was Shri Amar Singh in the movement those days. Shri Amar Singh's Party President, Shri Vijay Upadhyaya, who is the State President of Samajwadi Party in West Bengal, was the only leader who sat in the dharna with Mamtaji against the Chief Minister on Singur and Nandigram issues. I would like to place it on record.

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN : Okay. Now, Mr. Ahluwalia, please conclude.



* Spoke in Bengali
SHRIMATI BRINDA KARAT: Sir, how is it relevant to...((Interruptions)..

SHRI S. S. AHLUWALIA: I am quoting from 'Statesman'. Since you people are quoting from ...(Interruptions)...

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P.J. KURIEN):: Now, please conclude.

(Contd. by 3P/SKC)



SHRI S.S. AHLUWALIA: (The hon. Member spoke in Bengali.) Sir, this is the first-page news that has appeared in yesterday's Statesman. I am quoting from that.

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN :Please conclude.


THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Please conclude.

SHRI S.S. AHLUWALIA: Sir, I am about to conclude Ӥ ֟

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: There is no time left.

. . ׻ֵ : ֻߴ ֻߴ ܵ֟ ӛ ָ , ו ׿ִ ֻ 㯟ָ֓ ׾ֳ ָ ߆ևԛ כ֙ , 㯟ָ֓ ׾ֳ օ ֣ ㌟ 20 ָ ֋ פ ֤ 300 ֤ ߮ פ ׻֋ ֯և ֋ 18 ㌟ , ו֮ ִ , ...(־֮֬).. I am about to conclude, Sir. (־֮֬)

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Please conclude.


THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Please conclude.

SHRI S.S. AHLUWALIA: Sir, I am about to conclude.

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: There is no time left.

ָ֕ ״ : ָ, ֮ ו֋ ..(־֮֬)

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: That is enough; please conclude.


* Spoke in Bengali
: Sir, this is totally incorrect. He is misleading the House. ...(Interruptions)...

SHRI MATILAL SARKAR: Sir, he is misleading the House. ...(interruptions)...


SHRI S.S. AHLUWALIA: Sir, I am about to conclude. ...(Interruptions)...

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: You may refute those charges later on. Please sit down. ...(Interruptions)...

SHRI TAPAN KUMAR SEN: Sir, I am not trying to interrupt him. But when he makes a comment like that... (Interruptions)...


THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Let him conclude. ...(Interruptions)... What do you want to say, Mr. Prasanta Chatterjee?

SHRI PRASANTA CHATTERJEE: Sir, he has been quoting unconfirmed reports from the newspapers....(Interruptions)...

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: You are not on a point of order. Mr. Ahluwalia, please conclude. You have taken a lot of time.

SHRI S.S. AHLUWALIA: Sir, I am concluding. *

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: You are repeating what you have already said. ...(Interruptions)... ֯ ֻ ֟ ..(־֮֬)

.. ׻ֵ : ָ, ׮ Ùִ, ־ָ, 21-11-2007, ֻ ֲָ ִ ׻ ֻߴ ߮ פ, ԟ ֻߴ ֣ ߮ פ ߴ օ ֻߴ ֿ ִ ܵ֟ ָ֙ , 300 ֤״ֵ ֯և ևԅ - ֤ 20-20 ָ ֵ ָ ֮-߮ ִ֮, ֲ , ֮ 㯟ָ֓ ׾ֳ ִ֮ ֵ֟


* Spoke in Bengali
(PROF. P.J. KURIEN): You are repeating what you have already said. Why are you repeating what you have said? ֟ ֮֯ ֻ ߅ ֟ ? ...(־֮֬)

.. ׻ֵ : ָ, ֵָ Ù ֮և ևԅ ֵ ֟ Ù ָ, ..(־֮֬)

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Don't repeat what you have said.

.. ׻ֵ : ֵָ ָ ֵ ֮ Ìֵ֛ , ֛ ֵָ ֵ ׻ ֱ ...(־֮֬) ָ օ

ֳ֬ : ߕ, ֟

.. ׻ֵ : ָ, 18 ߻ ֤ 60 ָ ߮ פ ׻֋ 300 ֤״ֵ ֯և, ֮ 18 ߻ פ, ӟ֟: פ 㯟ָ֓ ׾ֳ ָ Ù ׸ ߲߆և, Ù , ֻߴ ֿ ֮ Ù ׸ ֟օ ָ ֟, օ

ֳ֬: , ָ ֟ ֟ և, ֯ ֟

.. ׻ֵ : ָ, ֟

ֳ֬ : , ֻ ֟ ߕօ ..(־֮֬)...

Mr. Chatterjee, you may reply when your turn comes. You may reply later, please don't worry. I will give you time to reply.

SHRI PRASANTA CHATTERJEE: Sir, you must expunge it.

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: I will give time to your party to speak. Why are you worried? You may reply later. There is no time now; I shall give you time when your turn comes. (Contd. by 3q/ksk)


THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Mr. Prasanta Chatterjee, Members from your Party will also speak. At that time, they can reply.

SHRI PRASANTA CHATTERJEE: He is not authenticating...(Interruptions).

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P.J. KURIEN): I am giving time to your Party. Why are you worrying? You can note down these points and then reply.

00 ׻ֵ : ָ, , ֲָ ֲָ כ֮ , ָָ כ֮ פ, 㯟ָ֓ ׾ֳ כ֮ פ, ִ ָ CBI confessions ֋ ֲ ֟֋

, ָ֟ ֓ ־ ָ֟ 렠 ..(־֮֬)..

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Don't go to Gujarat. Please, conclude.

00 ׻ֵ : ٻִֵ ֙ ׻֮ ֮ ֮֟ , ׿־ָ֕ , ׿־ָ֕ ָ֟ ֙ ׻֮ ׮ֵ ֣ ֋ ϴ ֮֕ 韾 ׻֮ ֵ, ٻִֵ ״׮Ù ׻֮ ֋, וִ ׿־ָ֕ , ֣֮ ֙ , ӿ ֤ , ׻י ֙ ߛ , ֵ ִ, ׮ֵ Ӭ և ٻִֵ ֓ ֟ ֮ ׻֋ ָ֟ ״ֻ ֋ ָ ֟ և ߅ , ׮ִ ֮ 355 ֵָ֮ ֟ ֤ 6 և ꅠ ֮֮ Ɵ ֕ ֟ Ӥִ ָ ֮ ׻֋?

ӟ ֣߮ ֱ ֮֟ , Ӥ , ֯ ׻֋ , ֯ ֟

(ֿ֟֟ ֮֮ߵ ֤õ ݻ )


Pp* 554-574 English version of Bengali will be issued as a supplement.

: Sir, we have been discussing since noon time about the issue of Special Economic Zones, specially Nandigram, and consequential violence in that area. Sir, there are two distinct things - one is Special Economic Zones and the other part is violence in Nandigram. Sir, this is an unfortunate incident in Nandigram and going by the newspaper reports and going by the speeches, I feel that one should express sympathy to the victims. The Government should take all the steps for rehabilitation and extending financial assistance for all the victims and we should see that normalcy is restored at the earliest. Sir, main cause for all these incidents and events, which are avoidable, is Special Economic Zones. The Government of India, as of now, have sanctioned 375 Special Economic Zones. Sir, the very purpose is defeated. Sir, going by the trends in the country, going by the resistance from land owners, small and marginal farmers, it is going to end up as a displaced development and as misplaced priority. I feel that in the name of SEZ, many people, who are close to ruling dispensations in various States, are floating all the economic zones. We are aware of the concessions given to these Special Economic Zones, specially tax exemptions, duty free import, domestic procurement of goods for development, hundred per cent income tax exemption, exemption from minimum alternate tax, exemption from Central sales tax, service tax, single window clearance for all these economic zones, etc. For whose benefit, they are floating these Special Economic Zones. The Government should have a thorough review of these economic zones.

(continued by 3r - gsp)


SHRI RAVULA CHANDRA SEKAR REDDY (CONTD.): In my own State, Andhra Pradesh, 70 Special Economic Zones have been cleared. Sir, 25,000 acres of land is going to be acquired, and, most of them are already floated there in the State. And, Sir, people who are very close to the Ruling Party are floating these Special Economic Zones. Sir, information technology companies are also acquiring lands in the name of Special Economic Zones. The concessions are given to the entrepreneurs, and, more than fifty per cent concession is availed for real estate purposes. Why should the Government of India or the respective State Government act as middlemen in acquiring the lands? Sir, literally, they have become real estate brokers.

Sir, now, the land has become very precious, and, in the name of SEZ, people are grabbing the agriculture lands. Sir, already, when the cultivable land is shrinking in the country and the agricultural production is also coming down, we are encouraging Special Economic Zones in the agricultural fields. Sir, a day will come when instead of earmarking Special Economic Zones, we will have to earmark certain land for special agricultural fields. Sir, we can call the present SEZs as 'special encroachment zones' into the agriculture fields and thereby becoming special exploitation zones. They are literally exploiting the fields.

Sir, the concept of SEZ has to be thoroughly reviewed. There should be an evaluation. Sir, I am having the data with me. Due to paucity of time, I cannot give all the details. Many Special Economic Zones are floated by people who do not have the expertise or experience in these fields. Taking advantage of their association with the ruling dispensation, they are getting these cleared both at the national and the State level. Many of them remain on papers. Sir, the resistance is not only there in Nandigram. In many parts of my own State, there is resistance. Sir, I have a statement of the hon. Minister wherein he has stated about the resistance. 'SEZs only if locals don't oppose it'. This is a statement of hon. Minister, Shri Kamal Nath. Sir, in spite of the resistance from the farmers, why are these Special Economic Zones floated and why is the Government pressurising them to part away with their lands. I request the Government of India to have a fresh look at the whole system and review these economic zones. As far as the number of economic zones is concerned, in Maharashtra, 75 Special Economic Zones have been cleared, in Andhra Pradesh, 70 Special Economic Zones have been cleared. In Karnataka, this number is 36 and in the State of Haryana, it is 29. Sir, all the Special Economic Zones are acquiring huge lands, which are with the small and marginal farmers. They are acquiring the lands through the Government agencies; either the Industrial Infrastructure Corporation or some other organisation is notifying these lands. Why should the Government act as middlemen? If an entrepreneur is really willing to set up an institute or industry there, let him go to the agriculturists, convince them and buy the land. Instead of doing that process, you are depending on age-old Land Acquisition Act, pressurising the small and marginal farmers and acquiring it under compulsory acquisition, thereby displacing them. Is it not the displaced development; is it not a misplaced priority, Sir? By virtue of all these things, instances like Nandigram are happening. Not only in Nandigram, in Maharashtra, or, in my own State, Andhra Pradesh, there is lot of resistance against these SEZs and the Government of India should not encourage such real estate deals. Literally, in the field, they have become real estate brokers.

Sir, land has become very precious in the urban areas. In the past 3-4 years, the land value has gone up very high. Now a poor man, a middle-class man cannot afford to purchase a house in semi-urban area. In the name of Special Economic Zones, they are exploiting the small farmers; they are acquiring real estate and selling the land at exorbitant prices.

This is encouraging the middlemen, encouraging the people who are really interested, not in putting up an industry, but only in minting money in the name of Special Economic Zones. (Contd. by sk-3s)


SHRI RAVULA CHANDRA SEKAR REDDY: My heart goes for the people who are really suffering in Nandigram. I am not going into the details because since afternoon I have been hearing this side and that side. Sir, there should be a healing touch for the victims. There should be a real compensation. We should help them and we should see that normalcy is restored at the earliest. We should be cautious in dealing, in sanctioning and in encouraging these Special Economic Zones. With these words, I thank you, Sir. (Ends)

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P.J. KURIEN): Thank you for sticking to the time limit and especially for the term 'healing touch'. That is what is needed.

DR. ABHISHEK MANU SINGHVI (RAJASTHAN): Mr. Vice-Chairman, Sir, hon. Members, I am deeply obliged for this opportunity. Let me, at the outset, say that whatever I am going to say is not meant in the slightest manner as fault-finding or accusation. I am saying this in the spirit of humility; I am saying this in the spirit of constructive reforms because I think that, at least, some of the events, some of the incidents, irrespective of State, irrespective of colour, irrespective of political colour, must necessarily lead to realisation of shame of fault without which we cannot rise above these things. Sir, the first aspect which I wish to draw the attention of this august House to is the debates when our Constitution was being formulated. When our Constitution was being formulated in the Constituent Assembly, there was a debate at some length as to how and how much and what to give to the States in terms of Constitutional power. We, ultimately, ended up with First List of the Constitution which is extremely large and very voluminous. The territory and the area covered by the First List of the Seventh Schedule is, in proportion, much larger than the State List or the Concurrent List. That is why from being a fully federal Constitution, we are called a quasi-federal Constitution. But, even in that debate -- because our founders were concerned about the possible break-up of this nation, about the fissiparous tendencies which dissect the nation at that time in the context of partition -- there was a very strong move to say that law and order is something which we must give to the States; law and order is something which must be given in the widest possible meaning and amplitude to the States because we cannot have the beginning of federalism unless we gave law and order, not only as a word, but in spirit and in an enlarged zone also to the States. And, that is why, in the Second List for the States, the first entry is law and order. Even in certain aspects, of what the Supreme Court has called the three concentric circles -- the narrower circle is law and order, the slightly larger circle is public order and the largest circle is the security of the State -- the security of the State, the largest concentric circle, may be given and has been given to the Centre. But, the entirety of law and order, and in that connected sense, large parts of public order were deliberately, after much debate, much comments by the framers, given to the States. There is a reason for it. And, it is for that reason, every State Government -- I don't mean this only for West Bengal, but certainly we are speaking in the context of West Bengal -- has to realise that there is no State without law and order. And, for law and order, there is no political complexion, there is no political colour, there is no party affiliation. As you know, the first condition of the original social compact, the social contract, by which the State was formed, was, 'I, the citizen, am ready to give up my rights, am ready to be taxed, am ready to be limited, am ready to suffer some diminution in my human rights because you, the State, are going to give me the first primary condition and that is law and order'. That was by the Hogue, Lock, Rousseau and all the other philosophers. That is also in our ancient Indian tradition. Well, that is because unless law and order is protected, only those who protect law and order get law and order themselves. And, if you allow, today, on any consideration, which is not objective, which is party related, which is otherwise subjective, a diminution of the aspect of law and order, then, you are not only diminishing the State, but you are, in fact, creating a Frankenstein Monster who will ultimately threaten you, who will ultimately try to swallow you. (Contd. by 3t-ysr)


DR. ABHISHEK MANU SINGHVI (CONTD.): So, I think the law and order aspect of this is the most important one. You may have differences and we are proud of our democracy, but when there is a situation which is emerging, which is explosive, and which is developing, you have to come down with an even hand, with an objective hand, and with a strong hand because you are the administrator of the State. You do not have to look left, right or back and, of course, behind you is always Mr. Shivraj Patil's Ministry. It is always the Home Ministry which is available. You can ask, you should ask, and you must ask, and I do not think there is a single instance of that support being wanting. But you cannot afford to be in the slightest sense softer or slower merely because of considerations other than those which affect objective policing or objective law and order considerations.

Sir, the second aspect which Nandigram raises in the more abstract sense is the issue of party and Government. Party and Government is again a very important constitutional principle, a philosophical principle and of utter importance in a democracy. Yes, the party is the mother of the Government. Yes, the Government is in a sense the offspring of the party. But then this is an umbilical chord which has to be cut at the threshold because the Government is also the parens patriae of the entire state. The Government has to, first and foremost, rise above everything else and be the protector of the state and its citizens and for that, it has to turn a blind eye to every party, including the party which brought it into power. We have had regretfully to observe that where party is given precedence over governance issues, over issues of security, over issues of law and order, then there is not only an inherent contradiction and danger but you are threatening the very constitutional edifice in a democracy which maintains that distinction. Sir, it is being said that to err is human but to forgive and forget is divine. If I may modify that, to err is human, but to realise the error, to begin the process of realisation and through realisation to begin the process of correction and rectification is truly divine. What has happened is happened. But if the Government in power, if the party in power, and if others there begin to realise the state and accept this fact, then, I think, a major significant movement is made. But if you turn a blind eye, if you indulge in self-denial, if you deny the reality itself, then that, in fact, compounds the felony. That is even more culpable than the original sin. You do not diminish yourself by any sense accepting that there have been excesses there; you do not diminish yourself by accepting that there is scope for improvement. In fact, you dignify yourself, enhance your image by saying so and accepting that.

Naturally, Sir, several questions arise. A question arises, for example, that if yesterday, with a generally motley crowd, largely unarmed crowd of 200-odd we are told, it was felt necessary to call in the Army, why were not more significant steps taken, not earlier but even in January this year or March this year? Surely, the same Government felt sufficient provocation to call in the Army. Well, I must then remind you of the events of 3rd of January or of the events of 14th of March. They were certainly on a larger scale or a bigger scale or a more serious scale and yet it was not felt necessary to even utilise the police forces fully. These are the questions which are not being asked in a fault- finding manner. But we are here at the temple of democracy to raise these issues and to indulge in the introspection and hopefully, as I said, to indulge in realisation and therefore in correction and, therefore, ensuring against a recurrence in the future. I heard it some time ago in this august House that in those killed, there were perhaps also those of our boys, or if I may use the word 'innocents' which belonged to our party or our group. Let me ask this question, Sir. Let us assume that that is so. Well, then why were innocents killed? Why were innocents killed which belonged to your party? Why six? Why twelve? Why should innocents at all be subjected to police firing? There is, therefore, a great admission of excess and that is necessary because without that you will not go to the path of improvement.

(Contd. By VKK/3U)


DR. ABHISHEK MANU SINGHVI (CONTD.): The figures of the dead or directly affected are, of course, very vital and important. But, the figures of those uprooted, those supposedly missing and those supposedly displaced, are even more important because those figures are sometimes neither accurate nor known for a fact, but they cause, in that sense, much more suffering and misery to the living than to those dead who have, undoubtedly suffered misery, but who have departed for a better world.

Mr. Vice-Chairman, Sir, I find it intriguing that on different dates, at different times, on different fora, different figures have been supplied about the missing or the homeless or the uprooted. From news reports, I have checked. The party as well as the Government in that State has suggested at one time that there are about 4,000 homeless or uprooted. That figure by the same Government and the party scaled down to 2,900. Subsequently, at the forum of BDO, the Block Development Officers, it is mentioned as 1,100 and finally, we are told that the figure is 300. What should be believed? What are we to believe? What is correct? What is relevant? The important thing is, as I said, so long as you indulge in self-denial, you cannot have improvement. Even if you relate bygones be bygones, it is important not to indulge in self-denial, it is important to begin to realise, which alone can lead to correction. There has been for the State Government and for the parties in power in that State, if not last year, at least, for many months now, the availability of researched independent investigative reports, including those by the CBI. Those reports have been filed in the formal forum like the High Court. They have been reported. The State Government surely would have access to the action report. Many of us have read through the Press. The point is these reports of the CBI, for example, pointed out in detail -- and I am giving only one example out of many in the CBI report filed in the High Court in the proceedings in that State -- there appears to be virtually no presence of Maoists, at least, they have not been able to find. But, that apart, I am going further. They pointed out that five actual persons were interrogated by them, questioned by them and their statements were recorded. All of them, in their statement, said, "Yes, we were found in uniform by the CBI. The uniform was of the police, but we belong to the CPM or the Left cadre." All of them said so. It's recorded. Mr. Vice-Chairman, Sir, you can imagine the reaction of a rural group or an unsuspecting citizen of Nandigram if he finds a group of uniformed persons approaching, which otherwise should inspire confidence and faith -- the dress of uniformed persons -- but, he knows that these uniformed persons, far from being protectors and guardians, are, in fact, likely to be the perpetrators themselves. So, he does not know whether to receive them with confidence and faith or with deep-rooted fear and apprehension. These are all matters which have been documented. It is important. Recently, we read reports that 10,000-odd persons are in the camps and the Headmaster of a nearby school says that there is not enough place and that they should be moved. Where would these homeless people be relocated? Where is the provision for them? These are all aspects which must be made part of a larger rehabilitative policy. It's part of the primary and basic point which is made several times by people as the 'healing touch'. But, the 'healing touch' is not mere verbiage or mere adjective, it has to be a concrete rehabilitation policy. When we ask for a rehabilitation policy and when the very same party of the West Bengal asks for a rehabilitation policy, for example, in other States or in other water systems or in uprooting situation like dams, we talk of the same because uprooting or displacement is the same whether I am an uprootee or a displacee in West Bengal or in Tehri or anywhere else. And, therefore, the State Government owes it to this nation, to itself and to the people of West Bengal that they come up with a comprehensive rehabilitation policy.

Mr. Vice-Chairman, Sir, it is ironical that with the abolition of that concept there, or, the announcement of the abortion of the SEZ complex in Nandigram -- an announcement which the Chief Minister has made with much fanfare -- there is so much of violence.

(Contd. by RSS/3w)


DR. ABHISHEK MANU SINGHVI (CONTD.): What would have happened if the original concept of Nandigram and the SEZ had been implemented? We are having so much problem there which is uncontrollable. What would have happened if this had been implemented? May I end by saying that West Bengal has had a great tradition of dissent? It has been in the vanguard of our freedom movement. We look with pride to West Bengal, not only to the political movement, but to the literary movement, to the creative movement, to all the arts and cultures in West Bengal which have been in the vanguard of democracy, of freedom, the root word of which is dissent. Well then, those who govern West Bengal, have to rise to the occasion and harken back to that tradition and recognise, indeed cherish, dissent, and in doing so, they will not diminish themselves, but they will, in fact, enhance and dignify themselves. I hope and trust that that will be the charter for the future. Thank you so much.


0 ִ ӛָ (ײָ) : ֮֮ߵ ֳ֬ , ֯ ֳָ ֌ ֮֯ ֯ ׾ֵ ָ ֮ ָ פ ֕ ֟ ֮֮ߵ ִ Ӥִ ߮ ָ ӲӬ ֛ ׾ßָ ֓ ߅ ϵ ָ ו֮֟ ߸ ׮ֻ ׾ָ׬ֵ ָ ו֮֟ ֻ ֮ ֻ օ , ֟ ֮֕ן ֋, ׾ֵ ֙֋ ֙ ו ָ ֋ , ™ߵ ؓ֟ ֟ ׮֤ ֋ , Ԯ ֵֻ ָ ֮ ָָ ֛ ָ ֮ ֛ ݵ֯ ֤ ֙֋ , ו ֮ ֙ ן Ӿ ֌ , ֮־ָ, 2007 ׿ִ ֻ ָָ ޛ׿ֵ ֮ ֣ ïֻ ״ ӟԟ ִ߮ ß־ օ ֕ ïֻ ״ פ ֋ ׾ ִ֮ ׿ִ ֻ ָָ ïֻ ״ ã֮֯ ß־ օ ִ ֮ ִ߮ ֮ ߅ ֮ ֟ ֻ ָ ִ߮ ïֻ ״ , þֳ׾ ׾ָ օ ׾ָ ן֯ օ ו ָ ָ ׾ָ ָ ָ ׾ָ օ ָָ ֲָ ָ ܵ ӡ ָ ִ߮ ֵָ ֋߅ (3X ָ ֿ:)


0 ִ ӛָ (֟) : ֲ Ϥ ܵ ӡ ִ߮ ֵָ ֵ, ֟ ָ ִ֯ ֮ ߅ ָ ֟ ִ֯ , ֟ ֜ ֻ ֵ ִ , Ӥ֮ ֱ ֮ Ӥ֮ օ ֮֕ן þֺ ״ֻ, ֮֕ן ٙ ִ ֮ ׿ָ ֟ ִ פօ

, ֟ߕ ׮ ֙֋ ֙ ֵ ִ ָ ߮ ָ ֙֋ ߮ ָ ִ ָ ֵ ָ ָ ֵ, ֓ ֲ ׻ ֵظ ߅ ָ ֚ ׻ ָ ֵ ׻ ָ ֵ Ӥ֮ ֟ ״ֻ ֵ, ו֮ ֟ ֙֋ ִ ֵ , ִ ֵ օ

, ֮ ִ߮ ׻֋ ֟ ֮֟ ֮ ֮ , ٣ ãן ֮ ָ ֟-֋ ֟ , ֲָ ֟ , ֤ ֮ ִõֆ ָ ֓ ߸-߸ ֕Ԯֻ ֮ ֮ ܵ ֜ ֻ ֵ ֛ ֮ ֕Ԯֻ ֮ ֕Ԯֻ ֮ ֮ ֻ ֮ ִ߮ ָ ֟ , ָ ֵ , ׾ ׻֋ ִ߮ , ִ ֤ ֤ ֮ ׸ָ ָ-, ֻ֮- ֲ ֋ ָ֮ ״ֻ֟ ִ߮ , ִ߮ -ֻ ֵ, þֳ׾ ֜ ֲ ֜ ָָ , ָָ ֱֻ ׾ָ ϤԮ

, ֮ ֲָß ִ߮ ֟ ! ָ ָָ ִ߮ ִ ׻֋ , ׾ ׻ֵ ֟ ! ֋ י ״ֻ֟ ִ߮ , ֲ ָ ֟ ָָ ֮ ׾

, ָ ֟ ־֕, ֮֮ ֮ ״ֻ֟ , ֮֮ ״ֻ֟ ֮֮ ׌וֿ֮ ױָ , ָָ ß־ , ֮֮ ֮ ״ֻ, ߵ֟ ִ ֮֮ ִֻ ֮ ִ߮ - ִ ָ ֻ ֟ ֲ ִ߮ ֟ , ִֵ ֮ פ ֟ ׸ָ ֤ ֲ ִֵ ߟ֟ ֟ , ״ֻ֟ ֮ , ֮֮ ״ֻ֟ , ֟ ֟ ֟ ָ ֯ ֮֮ ִ ֮ , և ֮ ָ ֓ ֟ , ָ , ֮ , ָ ֟ , ֲ ִ߮ ׬ ֟ (3և ָ ָ)


. ִ ӛָ (֟) : , ֮ ֣ ֵ ֻ ׿ִ ֻ ִõ , ֟ , Ϥ ָ ִõ ֮ ֲ ָָ ֮ ִ߮ ֲָß ϵ ֕ ִõ ֮

, ֟ ֮ ãן ִ߮ ׬ ֟ , ָ ָ-ӓ ־ ָ ׻ ӕָ ״ , ֕։ ״ , ״ ׬ ָ ָ ֕։ ״ ־ֿ ֟ ֮ ֻ֟ ׾ ֣ ׾ָ֓-׾ִֿ ֤ ׬ ֵԾ ־֕ ״ֻ֮ ֓ ןֿ֟ ֜ ־֕ ָ, ׾ãׯ֟ , ו֮ ׾ãׯ֟ ֛ , ׾ãׯ֟ , ־ ־ã ֮ ֤ ִ߮ ֻ ֮ , ׸׸ ־ֿ ָ ֮ ו ָ֮ ׻֋ ִ߮ ֟ , ֱ ״ֻ֮

, ָ ֮֮ߵ ֤õ ׌וֿ֮֠ , 1894 ֮ , 껛 , ֮ ־ã ָ ־ ָָ և 껛 ֮ ־ã , ׻֋ ִ ãן , ָ ־ օ

ֳ֬ (. . ׸֮) : ֯ ִ֯ ו֋, ו֋

. ִ ӛָ : ãן Ӥִ ֙֋ , ֮ ֮֟ ֲ Ӥִ ׾ ׾ ֤, ־ , ָ ָ ֮ ־ֿ ֮ן ֵ֟ ־ֿ ֮ ָ ײ֮ ֵ ֯ ֋ ׻֋ ן ָ ֣ ִ ן, ֤־֮ և-ָ ֻ Ӥִ ֮ ֮ , ָ ־֕ פ ֋ , ׸ָ ־֕ פ ֋ , ־֕ ֯ ֟ , ָ ׸ָ ׻֋ ָ ״ֻ ֟ ׻֋ ֻ ָָ ֟

ֳ֬ (. . . ׸֮) : ִ֯ ו֋

. ִ ӛָ : ֳ ׮׿֟ և ֋ , ֳ ָ ֮֕ן ־ פ , ֲ ֣ ֮ ֟ ִ֯ ֮־֤


THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: There are a number of speakers. Hereafter each hon. Member will take five minutes or maximum seven minutes and not more than that.

SHRI JANARDHANA POOJARY: Up to what time will we sit?

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: That is why I said that each hon. Member would take five minutes or maximum seven minutes.

(Followed by RG/3Z)


DR. BARUN MUKHERJEE (WEST BENGAL): Sir, thank you very much for the opportunity given to me. At the same time, there is a stricture that we should restrict our time.

Sir, all of us know that the problem in Nandigram started with the proposal of SEZ. At the outset, I should say, on behalf of my party, the All India Forward Bloc, that we are opposed to this SEZ, as we think that it is the biggest land grab moved during the recent times in the name of promoting exports, in the name of industrialisation. All this is being done to favour a few corporate houses, and some foreign houses, at the cost of millions of poor farmers. It will not only affect our food security, but it will also affect the livelihood of millions of poor farmers. So, we are firmly against this SEZ policy. And, as it has been noticed, irrespective of political affiliations, there has been resistance to SEZs in many other States of the country because the poor farmers have felt a pinch that if the farmland is lost, then, everything is lost. So, in spite of our representation to the Central Government, unfortunately, this has been rejected and all these things are going on. And we also find that the Government of India is merrily giving more and more approvals to SEZs; it is apprehended that it may touch the figure of thousand within a couple of months. So, we are basically opposed to SEZs. The same thing happened when a proposal came for establishing an SEZ at Nandigram. Naturally, there was a hue and cry over it. We are of the opinion that before the announcement of the SEZ, perhaps, proper homework was not done. I can even say, without mentioning the name of anybody, a top-ranking leader of the State, during our internal meeting, admitted that they did find afterwards that this acquisition would not only cover the farmlands, but also temples, mosques and graveyards. These are all being included there. So, there was a panic amongst people. But, unfortunately, this was made a political issue and, very quickly, some committee, in the name of Bhumi Uchhed Pratirodh Committee was formed, led by Trinamool Congress, SUCI and many other parties. And, as it was being debated, a lot of people -- I am not using the term 'expert', but a lot of dormant extremists -- came together and joined hands with it and created a much more panic at that time. And, the Left Front discussed it in detail and we wanted to find a mechanism for it. Whenever there is a problem, within the Left Front, we ask for a joint meeting of the Left Front or a bipartite meeting, and we try to sort out all these things. On the other hand, the Bhumi Uchhed Pratirodh Committee and its members took to the extreme step, and as it was reported and stated by many of the speakers here, it became something like a liberated land. Every communication line was cut off; digging of the roads was done and patients could not reach the hospitals and children could not go to their schools. Gradually the crisis went to its peak. (Continued by 4A)


DR. BARUN MUHERJEE (CONTD.): And just at this point the most unfortunate thing i.e., the police firing on 14th March, 2007 happened. We do definitely say that this is the most unfortunate incident. (Time-bell) Please give me a little more time. Let me conclude.

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P.J. KURIEN): Yes, two minutes more.

SHRIMATI BRINDA KARAT: Sir, he is part of the Left Front. Let him speak. ...(Interruptions)...

DR. BARUN MUKHERJEE: I am from the Left Front. I want to know why this guillotine is applied on the last speakers. ...(Interruptions)... I will conclude now. ...(Interruptions)... I am not elaborating it.

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Now, everybody will be given seven minutes.

SHRIMATI BRINDA KARAT: Sir, this is not correct. Sir, others who had nothing to do with it were given a lot of time. ...(Interruptions)... Let him speak. ...(Interruptions)...

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: I have said that everybody will be given seven minutes. ...(Interruptions)... I have already announced that everybody will be given seven minutes. ...(Interruptions)...

SHRIMATI BRINDA KARAT: Sir, before you, the Deputy Chairman who was presiding over the House said that there is going to be no limit and the Members can speak. Now the point is, he is representing the Left Front. When so many charges have been made, please give him the opportunity to answer it.

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P.J. KURIEN) : He is not replying to any of those charges.

ֵָ : 같 ״ֵ ָ ... (־֮֬) ...

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: You please sit down. Why do you interfere? ...(Interruptions)...

SHRI SHARAD ANANTRAO JOSHI: Mr. Vice-Chairman, Sir, I have a point. ...(Interruptions)...

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Brindaji, he is not replying to any of those charges. I am listening to his speech. ...(Interruptions)... I earlier said...(Interruptions)...

SHRIMATI BRINDA KARAT: Sir, he is coming to that. He is talking about the BUPC. ...(Interruptions)...

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: How can you go like this?

DR. BARUN MUKHERJEE: Okay, I will not take much time. But, I must raise some of the basic points here. Sir, when that most unfortunate thing happened...(Interruptions)...

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Otherwise, the House will have to sit up to midnight. I have no objection. ...(Interruptions)...

SHRI SHARAD ANANTRAO JOSHI: Yes, we will sit up to the midnight. ...(Interruptions)... Sir, applying guillotine only to the last Members is unfair because so far the people who have spoken have taken only the political angle. It is only now that the real facts will come.

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Shall I reply to you? Please take your seat. For the Others' Category, 28 minutes had been allotted. All 28 minutes are over and what is now being given is ex-gratia. The time is written before me. So, that is over. But, as I said, everybody will be given five to seven minutes. The reason is that...(Interruptions)... Please let me complete it. Since you raised this point I have to clarify it. ...(Interruptions)... Please sit down. ֯ ך ... (־֮֬) ... Let me complete it.

DR. BARUN MUKHERJEE: Sir, we are losing time.

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: No, you are not losing time because it is an important fact. See, in Others' Category, 11 names are given. I am trying to accommodate all the 11. Is it a wrong thing? Otherwise, one or two Members will be given the time and the rest will be not be given. That is the point.

SHRI SHARAD ANANTRAO JOSHI: Given the total number of...(Interruptions)...

DR. BARUN MUKHERJEE: Sir, should I resume?

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Please try to conclude immediately.

SHRI DINESH TRIVEDI: Sir, in the morning, it was decided that there will be no time limit, and the hon. Home Minister, I understand, is replying tomorrow. So, we appeal to you to give us more time.

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Okay, please speak. But speak in points. ...(Interruptions)... One point I would say is, why should everybody repeat what everybody knows? Make some new points.

DR. BARUN MUKHERJEE: Let me try, Sir. Again, I repeat that it was the most unfortunate incident that this police firing was there in which 14 innocent lives were lost and so many people were injured. Then, we came to the point that something has to be done. As you know, and as I have told earlier, as is the practice of the Left Front, immediately we discussed it amongst ourselves. As a constituent of the Left Front, I would like to say that even amongst ourselves, we did not spare anybody, We are outspoken in the matter. We talked much about it. As a result of it, the Chief Minister himself said that this was his responsibility. He took the responsibility of this firing, and at the same time, he made the categorical statement that there will be no land acquisition; that there will be no SEZ in Nandigram. After these two announcements, incidentally, I should mention that for what happened five years earlier in Gujarat till now we have not heard any regret for it. We have neither heard it from the BJP nor from the Chief Minister of Gujarat that they regret over the killing of so many persons in Gujarat in 2002. There was no announcement on their part. But, here at least, the announcement came from the Chief Minister that there will be no further acquisition of land. (Contd. by 4b-kgg) P