PREVIOUS HOUR

Aka-PB/2a/1:00

ߟִָ : ָ, ֮ 5,000 ֤ ָ ָ ֛ פ ֵ, ִ߮ ֛ פ ֵ, ׸ ֵ ׸ ..(־֮֬).. ֯ ֲ ׸ ֋, Ӥִ ֟ 'Ӥ' ָ ֯ ֮֟ , ֯ ־֮ ׾ , ־֮ '׿־' 'Ӥ' כ ֟, '׿־֕' ָ ֋ ֯ ֻ֟ ֲָ ֋߅ ..(־֮֬).. ֯ כ ֟, ֯ ׮֋, ֲ ׮֋

ָ, ֕ , ֟ , ָ 27 ָ ֮ և list, address ֣ ו פ ָ, ֣ ָ ֮ ׻Ù ֟֋ - ָ, ָ ָ? ָ ָ ֋ 14 ֓ ֕ ֯ ֱ 14 ָ ֕ ֯ ֮ ָ פ ֵ, ֯ ֟և? 27 ־ 2 ָ ׯ֔ 48 ә ֆפ Ӥ ֻ֟ꅠ ָ 29 ֮ ֟ ָ ' ִӟ' ָ ֻ פ ֵ, ָ פ ֵ כ פ֟ , CPI(M) ! ָ ָ , ָ ֛ ָ 00 פֵ ֟ - CPI(M) ! ֤ ֕ !

ָ, ֕ ֯ ָ 50 ֤ , և ָ , פ ָ ֳ ָ Ù֮ ָ֤֟ ׾׌ ָ, ' ־ֻ ә' ֻ ֟ ֕ , ִ ֻ ֟ ̸֕Ӥ֕ ֻ ֟ ? ֮֕ן ֟ , ֛ unholy nexus ֟ ׾֯ , ײֻ ֕ ָ ־ , ֲ ֋ ײֻ ֟ , ֲ ֋ - û״ ӣ RSS, BJP , ִ foreign-funded NGOs , ו֮֟ , ֲ ֋ ֲ anti-communist ָ , ֟ և ֟ , ֮֟ ֲ ֵ , ֲ ֆפ ָ֟-ָ֟ ̸֕ ָ ֆ֤ ? ֯ פ , ָ ֯ ָ ׌د ֲ״֙ ׻֋ ָ - - Times of India, Indian Express, The Hindustan Times, DNA, The Economic Times, Mail Today ֳ ï™ ֆפ quote ׻ ָ ָ ֯ ָ Ϭִ֮ӡ , "Maoist violence is the single most danger for internal security in our country." ֻ , ֯ ֻ֮ ֌׸ և̸ , , Ӥִ Maoist presence , and he is on record saying that this is there. ָ Ϭִ֮ӡ, ֻ֮ ֌׸ և̸, ׸ כ, ָ ֯֟, ָ ֟ , ә׻֕ ָ ֯ ן ֜ ֟ 'DNA' - "The Intelligence Branch has come to the conclusion that arms and ammunitions are being sent to the activists of the Bhumi Ucched Pratirodh Committee spearheading a movement to retain control over Nandigram.' This is the IB report. The Home Minister is here. He may please clarify this. And here what does they say? CRPF ָ , and this is a quotation from a Maoist leader which appeared in the mainstream media. It says, "The Maoists stepped into Nandigram in January, 2007 and quickly put together a party unit. They rustled up a 350-strong peoples' militia and fought." It also goes on to say, "The ammunition was mostly supplied by local Trinamool Congress leaders."

(Contd. by 2b/SKC)

2b/1.05/skc-nb

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY (CONTD.): It is all on record. If you wish, I can submit it to you. How have they got this ammunition? The Defence Quarterly, the most respected Defence journal in the country, says, "As recent as in October, 2006, the Indian Army recovered a massive cache of State-manufactured arms and ammunitions in the eastern State of Calcutta. Three people including a soldier were arrested in connection with the seizure of arms. The hoard included anti-person mines and ammunition". Again, according to an October 3rd 2006 BBC report, an Army spokesman said, "The cache of arms was meant for Maoist rebels and other terrorist groups active in and around eastern West Bengal State".

SHRI S.S. AHLUWALIA: Is it published only in your newspapers?!

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: We have quoted it and I shall give you the original. At least, have that much faith.

Sir, I have quotations from every single major newspaper. The Indian Express has quoted the Maoists' mouthpiece, called the Biplavi Jug -- 'The Revolutionary Era' in English -- which says, "the struggle now is no longer just about land acquisition or a fight between parties; it is a battle against the State". This, Sir, is their express desire; the Maoists have openly said it.

The Economic Times openly tells you of a Maoist document in ET's possession. The newspaper has quoted them as saying, "the ruling CPM is trying to brand our struggle against the State as a battle by the Trinamool Congress to capture land under their control. Some of the Trinamool Congress leaders are also thinking in the same manner. Some Trinamool men are also trying to pose as leaders of the ongoing struggle in Nandigram. But it will be a gross mistake if someone considers the Bhoomi Uchchet Pratirodh Committee as a mere forum controlled by the Trinamool Congress to prevent land acquisition. What is going on at Nandigram is an armed battle against the State". These are all given in their documents. ? ֤ , ָ , ֲ Ӥ֮ ָ 韾 ֻ ׻֋ ָ ףֵָ ֲ ߕ ֋, ֟֋ , ָ ָ CRPF DIG ; Asked if this indicated that the Maoists had entered Sonachura in large numbers, the DIG said, "We have found a Telugu book on military tactics among the seized literature. It indicates the presence of the Maoists". ? ֮ Ӹ פ, ָ ֋ ֵ, ֲ ֮ ? ֕ ֲ ֟ ָ ֆפ ָ ֮ פ ֵ ׯ֔ 48 ә Ӥִ ־ֻ ָ Ӥ , Ӥ ӟ , ָ ֲ ӛ , ָ ؓ֟ ָ ׯ֔ 48 ә Ӥ , Ӥִ ־ֻ ָ ־ և և openly declare this is the battle against the State. control ָ, it clearly establishes the fact that this is not an issue of land at all. And that is precisely the politics of it ֟ ִ֮ ֺ ֙ ָ ֮ פ ֵ, ָ attitude פ֟ CRPF , ֤ ָ օ

ֳ֯ן , 27 ָ Ù ־֮Դ CRPF ֮ request 12 ־Ӳָ , ӳֻ , ӳֻ , ָ , CRPF ֮ delay օ delay importance ? Mainstream ׸ ֜ Maoists quote , ߛ ִ ָ פ ֵ , , that is not relevant. , "The Maoists were convinced that the CRPF will eventually be sent to Nandigram. The CPM can't match us but with the CRPF we would have had a hard fight...." (Contd. by 2c/ksk)

-NB/VNK-KSK/2c/01.10/MP

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY (CONTD): So, we laid mines in all approach roads to Sonachura, Garchakraberia and Gokulnagar. We would have eventually given up the fight because in plain land, you cannot continue armed struggle for long, but by then, the CPI(M) would have been destroyed in East Midnapore."

So, that is the political objective - destruction of CPI(M) - and for this destruction, who are all reigned together? It is from Islamic fundamentalists to the RSS, from the Trinamool Congress to the foreign funded NGOs and all of that under the leadership of the Maoists. Under the leadership of the Maoists, they are all together, and this is the grand alliance that is taking place, which has been ably supported by various sections of media. I would come to that later. But, this is not new for us. We have seen this happening before. It happened almost a decade ago. ָ, ֯ , ֕ ֻ և ֯ ևօ ֯ և ? ӿ , ָ ֲ Ӥ և ? ֮֕ן ָ , ֕ ףֵָӤ ֆ֤ ֤֟, ֯ ֋ Ӥ ָ֬ ָ ֋, ָ ָ֬ ָ ֮ ֮֕ן ß֟ ֮֮ ׻֋ ָ ßֻ , ָ ֮֕ן ֋ ֻ Ӥ ָ , ߮ ָ ָ ߮ ָ ָ, ָ ָ ָ ֮֟ӡ , ï™ ֟ ִ֮ ׻֋ ָ ֆפ ֕ ָ֬ ָ ָ ֯ ֯ ֮ ֮֕ן þ֣ ֻ֟ ֮ ֻև, , , ؓ֟ ָ ..(־֮֬)..

ֵָ : *

ֳ֯ן : , ֯ , ֯ ך ׸֛ ֋օ ֺ ֯ ״. , ֯ ֻ֟ , ֯ ך, ֲ ׻֋ , ֯ ׻֋

ߟִָ : ָ, ׻֋ ָ Ӥ larger battle ֟ Ϭ֮ ӡ , ֟ ֮֟ ָ ֆ׾Ù ֜ ָ ֯ ָ ׻י ֙ ָ ߻ ֮ ֮֕ן þ֣ ֮ ֟ ָ ֮ ִ ָ ֯ ֻ ֋ ֟֓ߟ ָ ׾ָ , ײֻ , ֻ Ӥ ֟֓ߟ ָ ֟֓ߟ ָ ףֵָ 1967-68 ֟ ָ ָ ֙ ֮ ףֵָӤ ӑ ׾ָ , ִֵ ֕ ..(־֮֬).. ׮֋, ׮֋, ֮֯ ־ֻ ֵ ־ֲ ׮֋

_________________________________________________________________

*Not recorded.


ֳ֯ן : ׮֋, ׮֋ ֯ ֮ , ֻ ֮ , ֮

ߟִָ : ֳ֯ן , ָ ֆ֤ ףֵָ י Ùߴ ֯ ֮ ׻֋ ָ , ָ ߟִָ ֟ ֺ ֋, כ ֻ

ߴ֟ ִ þָ֕ : ֻ ..(־֮֬)..

ߟִָ : ֻ , ֤ ֟֓ߟ, ֟Ի֯ ԅ ֯ ָ ֟ ו֋

ߴ֟ ִ þָ֕ : ָ ..(־֮֬)..

ߟִָ : ֮ ֮֕ן þ֣ ׻֋ ֕ פ intellectuals ֟ ..(־֮֬).. ֱ ו֋, ֕ ָ֟ ִ֮ , ָ֟ ָ֕Ӥ֕ ֯ ֮ ֮֕ן þ֣ ׻֋ ֕ ֲ ֮ ֟ , Ͼפ ָ ׿ָ , ָ - Ϭ֮ סֵ , ֟ ..(־֮֬).. ָ әֻ ꌵ׸ ָ ֛ ؓ֟ ֌ ָ ָ ֆפ ָ, ֯ ִ֬ evidence ...... (2d/mp ָ ֿ:)

GSP-MP/2D/1.15

ߟִָ (֟) : .... خ .....(־֮֬)....

֚ : *

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: Please sit down. (Interruptions) Nothing will go on record.

׾ֵ֮ יָ : *

ֳ֯ן : ֯ ך ....(־֮֬)... יָ , ֯ ך ....(־֮֬)...

SHRI N. JOTHI: *

_________________________________________________________________

*Not recorded.


MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: Mr. Jothi, you have been keeping silent. Why are you...(Interruptions)... So far you have been keeping silent, please sit down. (Interruptions)

SHRI N. JOTHI: Sir, your own friends are encouraging...(Interruptions)... Your own friends from Left and Right...(Interruptions)...

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: Please sit down.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Sir, the basic point is that as far as Nandigram is concerned, ָ ֙֋ ֙ ׯ֔ ߮ , օ ָ ו ֵ ָ ר߾, ָ ָ ֋, ֲֻ֟ ? ו֮֟ ִ ׻֋ ֋, ִ ָ ֙ ֤õ ....(־֮֬)...

ߴ֟ ִ þָ֕ : ״֡

ߟִָ : , և ....(־֮֬)...

ߴ֟ ִ þָ֕ : ....(־֮֬)...

ߟִָ : ױ .... ֯ ֤ ֟ , ? ....(־֮֬)...

ߴ֟ ִ þָ֕ : ֜ ?

ߟִָ : , ֜ ֺ , ֮ ֜ ...(־֮֬)...

ֳ֯ן : ִ , ֮ ו֋ ...(־֮֬)....

ߟִָ : ֮ ֟ ...(־֮֬)...֮ ֟ ִ ָ ֻ פ, ֮ ֛ ֤֤ , ֮ intellectuals, ֮ general public ֟ , ׸ ־֕ ־ֻ ֮֟ӡ ֯ ֮ ֵ ֋, ִ ָ ׾ָ ֯ ֮ ֵ ֋, ֮ ֵ , ߓ և ֮ ֵ , -ָ ׮ֵ ֮ , ִ ָ ִ , ֮֯ 29 ָ ָ ֋ ӓ ָ ֤ ָ ָ ...(־֮֬)....

פ ס־ : ֮ ֯ ָ ....(־֮֬)...

ߟִָ : ־֕ և? ...(־֮֬)....

ֳ֯ן : ֮ ֟ ....(־֮֬)....

ߟִָ : ָ, ӳ߸ ֻ ־֕ և ߓ ?

ֳ֯ן : ־֕ ֋, ֤ ...(־֮֬)...

פ ס־ : ־֕ ߅ ...(־֮֬)...

ֳ֯ן : , , ס־ , ֯ ך ֯ ִֵ ֋, ֲ ׻֋օ ...(־֮֬)....

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Sir, I am concluding. In the last eleven months whatever has happened in Nandigram is actually a direct political challenge to destabilise an elected Government there, and, that is precisely the logical conclusion that they all want to lead up to seeking the President's Rule there. The destabilisation of an elected Government -- if this is permitted by the use of extremist forces and Maoist violence -- is something that is not in the interest of India; forget West Bengal, forget CPI (M). We are playing with the fire. If you are stoking them and actually patronizing and supporting them in order to settle small political scores here and there, you are actually playing with the future of the entire country. So, Nandigram is an abject lesson for all of us. All this evidence that I have given shows how the Maoists penetrated, how they have gone into each of those villages, and, how they themselves mocked at the Trinamool Congress saying, "they think they are the leaders, they are not; but we are the ones who are actually controlling."

When they have given an open declaration that this is a battle against the State, it has nothing to do with the land, it has nothing to do with the area, this is an open declaration of an armed action against an Indian State. If this is ignored, if that is not taken seriously because of your petty politics of trying to settle scores with the CPI (M) or others, I think, the larger picture is being lost for which we all will have to pay a heavy price.

Therefore, with the responsibility that is required of all of us, we will have to take up this issue in the larger context. People who had actually been driven out of their homes have gone back to their homes, as I said, not by using force but by resisting. We have gone to those places. We want peace; we want tranquillity and all efforts would be made in this regard. Let me assure this House that no crime, if at all, has happened there, will go unpunished; no crime will be ignored and action would be taken. Now, let this matter be at rest with the point that this is a larger question that we can only ignore at our peril and that larger issue must be kept in mind. Do not reduce it only to settle petty political scores. Keep the interest of India in mind.

This is the appeal that we have to make. I want to assure this august House that as far as CPI (M) is concerned, with the fullest confidence and commitment to the democracy that we have shown all these years and which we will continue to show, we do not want this process to be undermined. These forces must be put to check, and, that is my sincere appeal. Thank you. (Ends)

(Followed by SK-2E)

SK-SC/1.20/2E

ߴ֟ ִ þָ֕ : ָ, ֻ ֟ ָ ָ ֵ ֵ ֈ ״ֻߛ օ..(־֮֬).. ֱ ֜ ״֡ ..(־֮֬)..

ֳ֯ן : օ ֟֟ ߯ߋ ..(־֮֬)..

ߴ֟ ִ þָ֕ : ֟ ..(־֮֬).. ֻ ֟ ״֡ "Those against whom I am speaking, have been my comrades at some point of time. The party whose leadership they are adorning has been the centre of my dreams and works for the last sixty years. ...(Interruptions).. They have been my comrades at some point of time. ...(Interruptions)..

ֳ֯ן : ָ deny ..(־֮֬).. ֮֯ օ ׻֋ deny ..(־֮֬)..

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: He is never a member ...(Interruptions)..

ߴ֟ ִ þָ֕ : ׾֢ ӡ ..(־֮֬) ׻ , "They have been my comrades at some point of time". That Party has been in his dreams for the last sixty years. ...(Interruptions)..

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: Please. ...(Interruptions).. Please. ...(Interruptions)..

THE MINISTER OF PARLIAMENTARY AFFAIRS AND MINISTER OF INFORMATION & BROADCASTING (SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI): Mr. Deputy Chairman, Sir, I am thankful to you for giving me this opportunity ...(Interruptions)..

SHRI RAM JETHMALANI: Mr. Minister, before you start, if you don't mind, I want to say one important point. ...(Interruptions).. Sir, yesterday, while the debate was on in the other House, there has been a copious reference to directives issued by the Central Government to the State Government. They have been widely reproduced in the press, and the Central Government, in their effort to show that they have done their Constitutional duty in the present crisis, have referred copiously to those documents. Sir, the House is entitled to look at those documents. Those must be produced and put on the Table of the House. And, I am told that they are claiming privilege. There can be no privilege against Members of Parliament and the House to consider a document. And, if a privilege is being claimed against the House in respect of documents relied upon by the Government, it is the grossest contempt of the House.

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: The Home Minister would like to say something.

THE MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS (SHRI SHIVRAJ V. PATIL): Sir, we have not referred to any document as such in yesterday's debate. We have made a statement in the House that we have advised and directed the State Government to take steps to see that those who have been ousted from their houses and farms should be facilitated to return to their places and when they return to their places, they should be given full protection and they should be given the compensation. ...(Interruptions)..

SHRI RAM JETHMALANI: But, Sir, these directives are not oral; they are in the shape of documents. ...(Interruptions).. That document must be put ...(Interruptions)..

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: That statement was made in the House.

SHRI RAM JETHMALANI: Of course, Sir, the statement was made in the House. But, they say that they have issued directions in accordance with article 355 or on the lines or article 355. ...(Interruptions).. Is the House entitled to know this? ...(Interruptions)..

SHRI SHIVRAJ V. PATIL: Any correspondence between the President and the Government, any correspondence between the State Government and the Union Government are privilege documents. ...(Interruptions)..

SHRI RAM JETHMALANI: I am sorry, this is not correspondence. ...(Interruptions).. This is not correspondence; these are Constitutional directives.

THE LEADER OF OPPOSITION (SHRI JASWANT SINGH): Sir, the hon. Home Minister stated that any correspondence or word that transpires between the Union and the State Governments is a privileged document. Now, my friend, Mr. Jethmalani, has made a very useful point that if a reference is made to a document, the Parliamentary propriety requires that any Member can get up and say that that document ought to be placed on the Table of the House. The hon. Home Minister is indulging in needless finesse about this matter; otherwise, it becomes a needlessly contentious issue.

SHRI SHIVRAJ V. PATIL: Sir, this is not necessary to be raised on the floor of the House. Whether I give a direction on behalf of the Government of India orally or in writing, it is a direction, it is an advisory given to them. And, I must say that the State Government of West Bengal is willing to abide by those kinds of advices given by us. Now, what is the point in asking for the letters which have been written? I have not read anything from the written. I have not referred to any letter as such written. I have said that we have given directives and advice under this. And, it is not necessary that we should mention the articles under which the directions are given. This is unnecessary. Even if I just stand up, just stand up, and say that orally or in writing I have said this thing, what difference does it make? (Followed by 2F-ysr)

-SK/YSR-MCM/1.25/2F

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Sir, in this connection, I would just like to make one point. Sir, there is a certain decorum in the way our institutions function. If you recollect, there was a time when the former President of India had written to the former Prime Minister on Gujarat developments. There was a hue and cry and people said, 'Make that public.' But it was never made public. (Interruptions) Even I agree with it. Likewise, with the present Governor in West Bengal, we have said that if he has to say anything, please convey it to the Government; don't go to the public. Because this is not the decorum. (Interruptions) That is the principle that should be maintained.

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: Mr. Jethmalani, you raised a point and he had clarified it. (Interruptions) That cannot be a point for debate. (Interruptions)

SHRI RAM JETHMALANI: Sir, kindly bear with me for a second. The question is whether it was a friendly advice or a directive. He used the word 'directive' in his speech yesterday ten times. If he has said that it is a directive, then it is a constitutional document and it is his duty to produce it. But if it is some friendly advice which he has given to comrades...(Interruptions)...

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: I think this point will be clarified by the Home Minister when he replies. (Interruptions) When he replies he will clarify it. (Interruptions)

SHRI RAM JETHMALANI: We will also speak about it. (Interruptions)

THE MINISTER OF PARLIAMENTARY AFFAIRS (SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI): Mr. Deputy Chairman, Sir, I heard with rapt attention the observations made by the hon. Deputy Leader of the Opposition, Shrimati Sushma Swaraj. I also have had the opportunity to hear my learned colleague and very distinguished Leader of the CPI (M) in Parliament, Shri Sitaram Yechury. First of all, Mr. Deputy Chairman, I want to say that I respect all the Members of the House and thank all the leaders for having agreed to this text and to start the discussion. The text is the most important thing when we discuss a matter. It contains 'SEZ' and concludes with 'violence.' Both should be given justice, so that an objective debate can take place without acrimony and without taking personal issues against one another. The debate starts with the text beginning with 'SEZ' and ending with 'violence.' Due to global economy, liberal economy, and market-driven forces operating in the economy, several State Governments, cutting across party lines, throughout the country, are very, very enthusiastic to get as much investment as they can in industrial sector and in various other sectors. No industry can take any real shape without land, be it a BJP Chief Minister in a State or be it a CPI (M) Chief Minister in a State or be it a Congress Chief Minister in a State. But considering the existing Land Policy and existing Land Reforms Act in respective States, how to go about it? That is the best issue before SEZ.

Sushmaji was a distinguished Cabinet colleague in the previous Government. She had enough experience to brief the Cabinet as a Cabinet Spokesperson. She knows that the rehabilitation and resettlement issue is the basic issue of any place where land is taken up either for development purpose or for any other purpose. I am not going to provoke anyone. Yesterday, I spoke enough and I am thankful to Sushmaji for having chosen only that part of my speech, without naming me, on Mao Zedong. I will come to this later on.

Understanding the reality of future development, Resettlement and Rehabilitation process got the final seal by the NDA Government, but not with the statutory backing of a legislation. The NDA Government appointed a Committee of Secretaries. ָ-ָ ־ פ, ֮ և, bring a law. Law was drafted and ready. But, at the end of the day, in 2003, the NDA Government felt, no law; let us go via a Resolution. And that Resolution got the final signature in January, 2004 when the whole country was set to face the election. (Contd. by VKK/2G)

-YSR/VKK/2g/1.30

SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI (CONTD.): And on 14th February, you finally approved it. Within the ambit of that resolution, be it Mayawatiji in UP today and earlier Mulayam Singhji, Ramanji in Chhattisgarh, Vasundharaji in Rajasthan and Buddhadebji in West Bengal, each one could not find a comprehensive approach in regard to land reforms, land distribution, rehabilitation, etc. as per the Act. I am not going to debate on that. When the debate will come, I will persuade my party whether I can get a chance to speak. It is our UPA Chairperson, having heard various political parties, groups and responsible mass organisations, echoed the voice in Dehradun that the way in which we are going to approach SEZ, is wrong. It will make many people homeless and lead many farmers to cry. That will be a big battle. And when a Chief Minister takes the responsibility on the Constitutional oath, he has to deliver according to the framework of the national text. As you know, after due deliberations, UPA came to the conclusion that NDA concept of resolution is not giving justice in terms of time-frame commitment of rehabilitation; is not giving justice as to who are these settlers, for how long they have to be identified; is not giving justice to the BPL category of people; is not giving justice to the landless people who will be totally thrown out of the zone. Then, a Group of Ministers, after due deliberations, came before the Cabinet, not with a resolution, but with a legislation which will be introduced in this session. And let the legislation be debated in the Standing Committee and come out with a comprehensive approach to give a proposal as to how to deal with the matter of land in so far as SEZ is concerned. It is not in operation. I must officially say that it is not in operation. Within the ambit of the investors and others, each one is trying to do some arrogance and obviously, there are protests -- protest in Andhra by some other parties, protest in Kerala, protest in Chhattisgarh, protest in Bengal, everywhere. So, if you want to discuss SEZ, discuss as to how the consequent violence has come in.

Sir, I may only inform the House as I told the other House, there are a few places in India of national history which really voiced the millions against the British Raj. In Maharashtra, nobody can forget Pune. In UP, nobody can forget Balia. In Bengal, nobody can forget Midnapore. What great stalwarts who fought against the Britishers there! My friend Shri Ahluwalia knows about Midnapore. He happened to meet me in Chhatra Parishad. He travelled with me many times. Midnapore is a different kind of place. In every village you go, there is a statute of a freedom fighter or martyr. In every village, there is a statute of a martyr. It is only in Midnapore. Midnapore kept 14 days' control in their hand against the Britishers, when we had not seen the Tricolour in the country. And the only living member, who is still limping, is Sushil Dhara of that group. Great Ajoy Mukherjee is from that zone where Nandigram is. Great Satis Samanta, who fought relentlessly for Haldia Port, a quiet Member of the Lok Sabha who used to come, sit till the end and go quietly and who only thought of the development. Matangini Hazra, a great woman martyr is from that area, Tamluk. Mr. Deputy Chairman, Sir, there is a place called 'Picchhaburi'. In Bengali, we call it 'Picchhaburi' which means 'I cannot go back', a famous place in Contai, which was an important centre to mark the Self-Satyagraha against the British in line with Mahatma Gandhiji. Such is that place. History will witness what is the importance of that area. Biswanath Mukherjee, who is not alive today, brother of Ajoy Mukherjee, was a stalwart of the Communist movement in that area when we were not even born. He and Ajoy Mukherjee differed on political philosophy. (Contd. by RSS/2h)

RSS/2H/1.35/

SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI (CONTD.): They were patriots. I can tell you people hardly witnessed any kind of inner violence. Why I took more interest in Nandigram is because I have an emotional attachment with it. Again, I refer to Ahluwaliaji. Nandigram is a place where you could not go earlier by bridge. Two, three rivers you had to cross to reach that place, and the only rural college of Nandigram, in my student leadership days, I used to be a leader of the Chhatar Parishad, and I used to go there very often. They are very good people. Forty-five per cent of the local population is Muslims, a few other persons, and bulk of the population is the poor Scheduled Castes. The political map of Nandigram at present is like this. In the last parliamentary elections, in the last assembly elections and in the last panchayat elections, there was an overwhelming domination of the Left Front, of which CPI is the supreme. There is microscopic minority of the Congress, I admit it, microscopic minority of the Trinamool Congress, and the BJP is nil. Among the Left Front, CPI(M) is the dominant. The next is CPI. What is the approach to Nandigram? Sitaram Yechuryji must have been informed by his Party. You cannot reach there by air; you cannot reach their by train. There are two entry points of Nandigram, Block-1. If you go straight to the town, you have to go crossing first, Narghat bridge, then crossing Chandipur, then crossing Nadigram II, then enter Nandigram I. If you go from the back, from which way I think Sushmaji and Advaniji had gone, it is by crossing Kheluri, crossing the bridge, and then come to Sonachura. I will accept the points. Suppose for reasons I accept that the large scale Naxalites penetration started there from January, who took over Nandigram with arms and ammunition and every thing, they have to cross first the Tamluk district headquarters by road..(Interruptions)

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: They can reach from sea also.

SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI: I am not indulging in an argument. I am telling how to come with arms and ammunition. There are 80 police chowkies. They could have stopped them somewhere saying that they want to search them. But nothing has happened. If you go behind this, then you will appreciate that Khejuri is not only a fort, but it is also a nerve centre of the entire CPI(M) because I should say, the people there are still with you very strongly. Now, they cannot go (a) by boat, (b) by aircraft and (c) by train. They can go by road only, and if on road, if the whole target of the Naxalites and Maoists of Jharkhand or any part of India is that somehow we have a designed plan to operate from January and take entry before January, they have to go through all these routes, and I may tell you, I congratulate the West Bengal police, especially in Midnapore, they are very genuinely and very objectively serving the country and the State. They tried to detect many penetrations in Jharkhand. Every village of Midnapore I know. As it is on your finger tips, it is on my finger tips.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: If you permit me, I want to make one point. There is a way to enter through water, and that is why, we are asking for the Coastal Guards.

SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI: When they come through water, they have to come behind or after Narghat bridge, and Narghat bridge, you know, is an Assembly constituency. There is a very powerful police station over there. Chandipur has another powerful police picket. I don't say that even then, they cannot penetrate. Yes, they can. If the terrorists can enter into the Parliament in spite of the best security arrangements... (Interruptions) they can do so there also. I am not disputing it. What I am saying is in normal manner....(Interruptions). Therefore, I just want to say that try to objectively address the issue. I think, Sitaram Yechuryji, you have very nicely articulated your point. I never said that your people have not been harassed or your people have not been harmed.

(contd. by 2j)

MKS-LT/1.50/2J

SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI (CONTD.): No, they were not. On 9th January, I am the first man who went to Nandigram without police. I travelled the entire Nandigram, from 9 o'clock, in the morning, to 10.30, on a motorbike because the roads were cut. I asked, "Why did you cut the roads? We cannot travel. We cannot go to any village." And all they said I conveyed to the Chief Minister, in writing. I will not disclose that point here. And from Nandigram, after addressing seven meetings, I talked of peace, peace, peace, and asked them to please help the administration. Nandigram police station is still there. Police station has not been burnt. Let us also take something; there is a police station in Nandigram town; it is not burnt. No officer was hurt; no officer was injured. The only thing that they said was: "How can you carry a vehicle, Sir, because the roads are cut?" And they were correct. While addressing the meeting, from there I talked to the Chief Minister that this particular notification, No.888, a notification which was issued by the Haldia notification authority, had created a problem. And this notification was pasted in the BDO office. And that notification created a big problem. People felt, "We will be totally finished. Our fertile land will be gone." And I tell you that the Chief Minister is very honest to convey to me, "Are you saying that there is a notification?" I said, "Yes." He said, "No, it is not in my knowledge. Tell the villagers that if, really, it has been done by the Haldia notification authority, I assure you, it will be withdrawn." I instantly addressed the meeting. That meeting was held late in the evening. Police was present, Nandigram Police. I said to them that the Chief Minister assured me that the notification would be withdrawn; they did not get upset. But when I went to the victim's house--the first victim was Sheikh Salim--he does not belong, Sitaramji--please, you can also inquire--to either Congress or Trinamool or to any other party. He belongs to your party. His father told me, "I will never touch any party's flag, and I promise, till this date, except my party's." And he was profusely appreciating Jyoti Basu, etcetera. He said, "You came; I don't mind. You prayed for my son, but, Sir, I am not from the party which you represent." And what was he saying? His first sentence, Shri Sitaramji, was: "Had Mr. Jyoti Basu been there today, it would not have happened." I conveyed the same thing to you. Anyway, after Shiekh Salim, I went to the other victim's house. One is a thelawala, Bharatmani. He had a thatched house. He is not a goonda. He was carrying his thela, was carrying his material. By that time, he got hit. I said, "Why do you stop the road?" They said, "They may be totally wrong. They are not the supporters of anybody. They may belong to you people. They are confused. Why? I said this in the other House yesterday. Try to understand this, Sitaramji; the problem is not with you, me or with Shri Buddhadeb or anybody else. The problem lies somewhere which you forgot to address. They found a model that the compensation amount should go to the landowner. And, you did start a very right policy, which was started by our Government also; it could not be implemented, the sharecroppers' right. And the landless labourers work there. Now, the sharecroppers are in bulk. In one acre of land, if there are two sharecroppers, it means there will be ten members to eat food in a day. If there is one landlord, who is the absentee landlord, who has a house in Salt Lake in Kolkata, or in Midnapore town, he is happy. "I cannot get the share of the crop. They have taken out. Now that I am getting Rs. 2 lakhs or Rs. 5 lakhs as a land price, I am happy." Who is not happy? That brawl. And that brawl belongs to your party who really works for you. They said, "Now, the party for which I fought is taking my bread." And, they revolted first. They did not raise any slogan of any party on that day. When the first revolt took place, please believe me, we were so microscopic minority that day that we could not gather even 200 people to sing Vande Mataram. It is there. If you feel that I am totally wrong, please crosscheck with your CPI(M) MLA of Nandigram, who is a Left Front man. They were not ours. And, they shouted, "Yes, the Chief Minister is assuring you, but...." (Contd. by TMV/2K)

-MKS-TMV-AKG/2K/1.45

SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI (CONTD.): The "but" I will not explain because in parliamentary practice we never take the name of any leader who is not present here and is not given a chance to defend himself. It is some leader; you will find it out from the Opposition in the days to come.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: You are saying for the first time everything, even the lights are going off.

SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI: Sir, I will not take the name. He is an eminent leader. Some said, "Don't worry, we will take the land. Nothing will prevent us". It was an open gathering. Some other said, "I am the last word in this zone and nobody else can dictate". It is all in the domain of your party leadership and knowledge, and I must sincerely say that in most of my discussions, in the early days of January, with the hon. Chief Minister, he said, "I will delete it from there". I would again tell you, Sitaram Yechuryji, nothing would have happened in Nandigram. Who can defeat you there? You are powerful there. When you shout and do a demonstration there, we can't defeat you. You are very strong there. That is my feeling also. Why did they do it? If, on 3rd January and 14th March incidents, whosoever have been shown by the confidential report of the police and recorded in the television, irrespective of party affiliations, the police had hounded them and brought them to justice, things would have taken a different turn. Why it could not take place, I don't argue with you here. This is not the platform. But the fact remains, Sitaram Yechuryji--party will come, party will go; Members will come, Members will go--that these CPM or Congress or Trinamool people have lost their children; they have lost their brothers; they have lost everything; the women lost their respect and dignity. Will they come back? Can you return it back? No.

Anwar Khada is not my party activist. I met her in Tamluk hospital along with my wife. They entered the Nandigram for the second time, after 14th March. In Nandigram hospital, who introduced me the list of the victims and took me to Gokulnagar are not my party people. These are my CPM colleagues and workers. They were whispering, "Priyada, if you want to save that lady from the jungles of Gokulnagar, try to send her to Tamluk hospital and she will be treated; it will be nice. Then she started giving the description. I can't describe it because I feel the mother or sister of any party is the mother or sister of ours. If a CPM woman is assaulted or insulted, or a Congress woman or a BJP woman is assaulted, when she sheds tears, no human being can say "I approve their conduct". Otherwise, they will take punch. It happened. The fact is fact. How to console them, how to compensate them is a different story. I know that a lot of debates are there. I would not like to bring the issue of the head of the State and court because that is out of the purview of the parliamentary practice. That is in the domain of the public. The Parliament can compete in a debate with this argument or that argument. But can this Parliament convince the people, whether they are affiliated to the CPM or Congress or Trinamool, that what has been done is good. No. We argued many times on many issues.

(THE VICE-CHAIRMAN, PROF. P. J. KURIEN, IN THE CHAIR.)

The argument is confined to the debate. But the last word is with the people and it is in the people's domain.

What I say, Sushmaji, is that you have misquoted me and I still hold my view. What I said in the other House is, and I would like to quote:

"What I witnessed there on the 3rd January incident is not a fight between Maoists, naxalites, etc. I do not know why you often use the word "Maoist"; I may differ with the philosophy; I belong to Gandhiji's party. But the name Mao Zedong is a name to the whole world for his revolution, but one may differ. I feel very sick when people accuse it saying, "Maoist, Maoist, Maoist". Mao Zedong's philosophy and Mao Zedong himself is not a matter to be condemned or to be undermined; one can differ. His poetry was very good and if a boy, up to the age of 18 years, even if he is belonging to the BJP family, reads his books and poetry, he or she will feel fresh to go and jump into the harvesting fields and protect the farmers. That is the spirit." (Contd. By RG/2L)


RG/1.50/2L

SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI (contd.): I further say, regarding this, I asked my journalist friend, "You can say 'extremists'; you can say, 'Naxalites'. Why do you say "Maoists'? Why do you blame Marxs or Lenins? You tell them 'extremists'. It is they themselves who took the name 'Maoists'. By calling that, I do not think the owner of the Maoists is blamed. I say, "You first finish them", and I still say that. If searching a Maoist's book in the House is the definition of a Maoist Revolutionary, I will be caught first thing, at any time, later on when you come back to power, which, I am sure, you will not. I have a huge collection of Maoisism and Lenins, and I tell you, only when you read, you will learn. You can differ your line differently. But you cannot simply say, it is all bad. What is wrong if at somebody's house, I find a book of Mao Zedong. Yes; I agree that my nephew, Asim Das Tulsi got killed. His mother died of heart attack. He believed in it at the age of 17. I convinced him, "Don't do it." He was dedicated. He got killed one day. His mother died at Dum Dum. His Father was Niladas Tulsi. I could not convince my own cousin. He said, "No; It is my life." And, many brilliant people died during 1967 and 1971-72 from this group. I tell you; the greatest name, whom you supported, when he came to your party in the election time, was Asim Chatterjee. Later on, he changed again and joined some others. His name was a terrific name. But he was brilliant in his articulation and in his exposition in the Presidency College. He was the first to raise the Naxalite Movement from the Presidency College. Then, Santosh Rana, who is from Midnapore, is again a good fellow. Therefore, I tell you; simply dumping everything in the name and cover of Maoists may not give you the truth. In which part of India a party worker of CPI (ML) is not there? In which part of Bihar or in which part of Delhi a group called Maoists is not there? But how we address that issue administratively and socially is a different thing. We totally differ on that. We belong to Gandhiji's party. We do not believe in guns. We do not believe in this kind of a tactics. That is why I am not in Maoism or in Leninism. And I am in the Congress. But it does not mean that their founding fathers and their leaders were all bad. It will be a wrong history. Mr. Sitaram Yechuryji, do you know what is Midanpore sight? Who joined Maoists, who joined Naxalites, I will not say that today. We will sit quietly and I can prove to you, dozens and dozens, being alienated from you, or, otherwise, disassociated from you have joined them, and they do not know how to come back...(Interruptions) The subject is Nandigram. Don't get impatient. The first young boy, who got killed by the Naxalites, is a first-class pass in B.com. (Hons) In Kolkata, and he is Shivangarojan Purulia. The second person, who is again a brilliant one, was Anmol in Bengal. He again belonged to our party. The third one is Shakti Gopal Tiwari, a student of Viswa Bharati, and he got killed. The fourth one, Niranjan, got killed in the streets of Kolkata when he was simply protesting why they were killing a police constable. I know those days. Therefore, we might be misguided by it. That is different. But those who are joining to finish them in whatever manner they can, it will not be a correct objective; it will not be a democratic approach. We have to negotiate; we have to talk. If we talk to 20 people and if we are able to bring even 16 people to the mainstream, what is wrong? But painting everywhere a fear, and if, conveniently, I am to use the force, and call that they are Maoists, I do not think Sheikh Sali's father is a Maoist; I do not think Bharat Munde's father is a Maoist. I do know the credential of Hameeda Bibi, who is a Maoist. I do not know Anup Kara, a lady, who was raped, whether she is a Maoist. Maybe, somebody took advantage of the situation. I do not rule it out. But with all the pathetic things that have happened there, please don't talk that they are being led by Maoists. It will be a dishonour to them. You segregate Maoists; I do not mind it. But don't call them as Maoists. They are all young people. You can have your own party document later on. Maybe one day, you will tell me that some of my observations are correct. (Continued by 2M)

2m/1.55/ks-hms

SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI (CONTD.): This is democracy. We have also done wrong things. I don't claim that whatever we have done has been good. We too have shortcomings.

ק : ׻ֵ ִ ֮֮ ֵ օ ...(־֮֬)...

شری شاہد صدیقی : اہلووالیہ جی کو بم بنانا سکھایا تھا ۔۔مداخلت۔۔

SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI: I never did. I say it with authority. I never touched even a blade when I was a student leader. If you want to verify it, get the certificate from Buddhadeb.

ק : ֟ , ִ ֮֮ ֵ օ ...(־֮֬) ... ָ ֣

شری شاہد صدیقی : وہ بولتے ہیں، انہوں نے بم بنانا سکھایا تھا ۔۔مداخلت۔۔ امر سنگھہ جی بھی ساتھہ میں تھے۔

SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI: Don't spoil the debate like that.

I, therefore, appeal, through you, Sir, that who is a Congressman and who is a Leftist is not the question. Now, on that day, Shambhu Mitra's daughter, Shraboni Mitra, who was not in your party, was ruthlessly opposed to the Congress.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: But don't justify the method.

SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI: No, I am not justifying it. You abuse Trinamool, you abuse the Congress; I belong to Bengal; you criticise us. It is your right. You should do that. But it is also our right to question you on what is wrong. But please don't undermine the President of the Sahitya Akademi whom you had appointed. We did not appoint Sankho Ghosh. You appointed him, and I praise Buddhadeb for having appointed Sankho as Bangla Academy's Chairman. He is a great man. Why did he resign and what did he say? Sankho Ghosh is not of CPM but he is a great intellectual with a Left leaning. Then, do you want to question the credentials of Aparna? In all your programmes and functions she is the Chief Guest.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: We never questioned that. They have their position. That is all.

SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI: It not that they have their position. They did not say `Mamta Bannerji, long live'; they did not say `Priya, long live'. They said, "We never expected it from a party like the CPM". If they are wrong, you negotiate with them; I don't mind. Whether they are right or wrong, people will judge it. That is why I say, Nandigram's painting cannot be drawn by me or Sushmaji or you or even Mamta. Leave it to Shubho Prassanno and Jogen Chaudhary to draw the painting. You may accept it or you may reject it. Many times, we accepted the paintings of Fida Hussain. What is wrong to accept the paintings of Nandigram by Shubho Prassanno and Jogen Chaudhary? We may not agree with a drama enacted by any other party but why don't you respect Bibhash, the greatest one in the Calcutta theatre who produced more dramas than any Left leader did? What is the philosophy and approach of Lenin? What is the role of Stalin in the Great War? And every drama of his is like that. We salute him. He did not take a brief from me. What is wrong to respect Shyamali whose mother, Chittamitra, and whose father, Shambhu Mitra, and his family, were devoted to Navvarna, and committed to the IPTA Movement? Why did she come to the streets? These are the writings one has to read and to correct oneself. It is not a position to be abused but to be corrected if something has gone wrong somewhere. This is what I feel.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Sir, if you don't mind, please do not distort things by saying that we are abusing them or showing disrespect to them. I am saying that we disagree with them. That is a different point. But don't charge us by saying that we disrespect them.

SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI: I want to say that it was not organized by any party. They are saying it. Take Tarun Sanyal; can you deny that Tarun Sanyal was the strongest activist of the CPI? (interruptions) Mr. Raja cannot disagree.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY: Who is denying? I am saying, we disagree.

00 ׻ֵ : ָ פ ָ ֮ ֛ օ ֯ ...(־֮֬)...

SHRI PRIYARANJAN DASMUNSI: Therefore, I say, the problem started with the Notification and the further cause was to go beyond Buddhadeb's appeal and show respect to statements by some leaders whose names I would not like to take, who said, 'No carry on, carry on" and this 'carry on' process did get the bad name, the disrepute. It may happen in any other State where my party can do this. I will have to accept the blame then. In democracy, the moment one accepts the blame and tries to correct oneself, one becomes great. So long as we try to say `no', it doesn't help. Yes, we did agree many times. At our AICC Session the other day, we did say, "We condemn the violence". We didn't say anything beyond that. The concern is that. It has happened today in Nandigram; it may happen somewhere else tomorrow.

(Contd. by 2n/tdb)

 

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