PREVIOUS HOUR

1Z/HMS-TDB/4.00

ֻ (֟) : ֲ ֵֿ֯ ֵָ ֛ ָָ ֯ ֮ ֟ ֟ ֮ ׯ֔ פ ֲ ִֵָ ׾ֵ ָ , ֲ ׻ֵ ִֵָ , ֮ ׾ֵ ׬ ֤֮֟ - ׸ãןֵ ? , ׸ãן ֻ֯֟ ֤ ֤֮֟ ִֵ ֮֟ þִֵ ֛ ןֿ֟ ֤֮֟ օ ָ ֯ ִֵ ֮ ֟ ֤֮֟ , ֮֟ ߅ ׻֋ ֮֟ ֮ ִ֮ ֟ ָ ׾ֿ ׸ãן , ߛ ֕ ֤֮ ãן ׮ٴ֟ , ֤ ֢֕ פ ֮֟ ןֵ ֟ ָ֓ ֕ ֻ֮ ݵ , ױ ֮֟ þִֵ ֤֮֟ ִ֬ ׸֟Ԯ ֮ ӡ ָ , ָ פ ִֵָ , ֯ ו ؓ֟ ָ ׾֬ , פ ׮־ֵԟ ֟ , þ֟ օ ָ ֢ ֻ ׮־ֵԟ ֮ , ָ ֮ ־ ִ֬ ֯ ֤֮֟ ֮ , ֟ Ӭ ֵֿ֯ ֵָ ? ֮֟ þִֵ ֮ Ծ ִ , ֯ ֮ ִ֬ ? ֮ ָ ׾֮֬ ֕ Ծ ֋ , fundamental rights ֟ , ֕ ݵ ֟ և , ֯ ֮ ֻ֮ ? ֬ Ӥ ׾ֵ , ׾ֵ , ִ֮ ֮ ִ֮ ָ֓ ֮ ׾ֵ , פ ֕ ֻ ָ ָ֓ ו ָ ׾֮֬ ׮ִԟֆ ָ ִ֮ , ֜-׻ , ֵ֤ ֟ ֕ ֤ ? ֢֕ ָ ֻ֮ ֮-ֆ פ פ ֜ ױ ֤֮֟ , ֮ ד ֮ ־š ֤ ֮ ֵ , ִ ֕, ִ ß֟ ָ ֻ, ִ ֮-ã֮ ָ פ ֮, ָ ָ ֻ ...(־֮֬)... ִ ָ ...(־֮֬)...

ֳ֬ ( ָ֕ ״) : ֳϾֻ , ֯ ֮ ִֵ ׻֋ , ֯ ׻֋ ֯ ֮ ֟ ָ ֋

ֻ : , ֮֕ן ־֮ ִו ֵ ׾ֵ ָ ֯ ֮ ֮ ֵ֤ ֯ ָ Ϥ ו ֮ ןֿ֟ ػ օ , ׾ֵ ָ Ӭ , ָ߲ כ Ӭ ֻ֟ ֟ ָߤ ֟ , ׾ֵ ָ ֤ ָ ֮ , և ָ ֮ ֮ ֕ ֻ֮ ֤ ã֟ ו ֕ ã ן ֺ ? , ִֵָ ֮ ִָ֮ ֵ ָ , ו֮ ִ ִ , ֟ ִ ߟ ִ (2 / ָ ֿ:)

aka-kgg/2a/4:05

ֻ (֟) : , פ ֢֕ ן ִ֮ ־֮ ׮ִ , ָ֓ פ , ױ ֕ ן ֮ Ծ ֢֕ ָ ֮ ׻֋, ֮ ֯ ֕߮ ֮֋ ֮ ׻֋ ֮֨ ֣ ִ ו֮ ֮֨ ֙, ֣ ָ-ָ ־ָ ֕ ֕ ֮ ֢ ֮֋ ֮ ׻֋, ֯ ִ ׾֯ , ֢ ֮ ׻֋ ״ן ֮֟ , ֕ ָ , ֮ ֛ ϕ֟ӡ , ϴ ׾ָ ״ן ֟ , ו ֯ ϕ֟ӡ ֻ֮ , և , ֯ ֕ ׻֋ ֮֟ ִ֮ ־֮ ֮ ֮ ׾ֵ , ֢ , ֮֟ ָ ׮ֳԸ ֮֟ ו ׻֋ ׾ָ֓ ׳־׌ ӳ־ , fundamental rights suspended פ ֮֟ , ֮֟ ִָ֟ , ֮֟ ִ ־ֿ , ֕ ֮֟ , ִ֮ ׌, ָ߲ ָ߲ ׌ , ִ֟ ֲ ֮ ֟ ׳־׌ ֮ ָ֟ ׻֋ ָ ׻֋ ׸ãןֵ ׮ִ , ױ ֵ ֿ ֵָ ֛ ֯ , ִֵ ֤ , ֻ ֯ Ӥ ײ֟֋ , ־֮ ֕ ָ ӡ , 敵 ׯ֟֕, ֢ ֣ , פ ֳ , ֛ ֳ , ֲ ֮ ֋ , ִ , ִ ֲֻֻ ֓ ֟ , ִ š , 敵 , ֤ ד֟ ôָ ֮֮ օ ֕ ֜ օ , ֕ ã֟ , ױ ִ ִֵָ , ֯ ָ ֟ ָ ד֋ ֯ ׾ֵ ָ ׾ָ֓ ֮ ׻֋ ֮ ? ֺ ׮ִ ׾ֵ ָ? ֤ ֤õ ־ ӲӬ ֤֮֟ ָ ֯ ײֻ ֯ ֋ , ײֻ ֯ ָ ֟ ֟ , ָ ֤ ֤õ ֮ ֺ , ד֋ ֯ ֮֟ ֟ !

ִָ֮ ֵ : ֯ ?

ֳ֬ ( ָ֕ ״) : ֳ ׻֋

ֻ : ֳ ׻֋ , ׌ ׻֋ ֯, ִֵָ , ֲ ..(־֮֬)..

ֵָ : ָ , ֯ ? ָ ™ ֯ ?

ֳ֬ : , ֯ ך

0 ִֵָ : ֯ ֮ ׻֋ ֲ

ֻ : ָ , ֯ ֮ ֋ ִֵָ , ֲ - ׾ֵ ָ ֮ ׻֋ ֛ , ֲ ֯ ֛ ֋ ֮֯ օ ֲָ ֵ , ֵ-ֵ օ , ־֮, ָ ־֮ ֋ , ָ , ֤ ִ ֵ ֯ פ ֟ ָ, ֯ ֛ ֋ ֮֯ ֮ , ׻֋ , ֕ ִֵָ ָ ֮ , ֮֟ ('2b/nb' ָ ָ)

NB/2B/4.10

ֻ (֟) : ֮ ׾ֵ ֮֮ ....

ֳ֬ ( ָ֕ ״) : ֯ ׻֋, ֯ ָ ׻֋, ִֵָ ָ ֟ ֋, ֟ , ֯ ֟

ֻ : ֟ ָ ֲ ֢֕ ָ ׮ָ ֟ ׸ִ ִ , ֕ ָ , ָ פ פ , ו ֮ ֜ , ִ , - " ָ ߸ , ָ ָ " ֯ ֯֟ ֻ ִֵ ֲָ ו֋, ִ , , , ֯ ֕ , ֢ , ֮֟ ֛ - " ָ ߸ , ָ ָ "

. ֢֕ ָ ָ֓ , ֟ ֮ ֮ Ͽ ֛ ִָ֕ , ִ ִ ׿ , , þ׳ִ֮ ָ ׌ , ֤ ֮֮ ֻ ױ ָ-ָ ִ ֟ , ӯϤ׵ ֟ ֮ ׾ֵ ִ֮ ֮µ , ֋ פ ֕ , ױ ֮µ ֤֮֟ ׾ָ ֤֮֟ , ׻֋ -ָ , ׮ֻ֓ ßָ ֵ ֮ פ ֯ ֤֮֟ , ױ ֯ , ֕ ֋օ ֮-֮-ֻ ֟ , ׻֋ ָ ։օ ֟ ֱ ӓև ָ ֮ ֢֕ ֟ , ִ ֟ , ӯ ָ ֮֟ ן׮׬֟ ֻ ֕ , ױ ָ ֻ ֮ ָ֓ ֛ š ֮ , ״ֻ , ֕-־ã , ֮֟ ؓ֟ ֕ ֋ , ֤, þֵ ֕ , ־ã ׻֋ š ָ - ֲ ׯ֟֕ ִ - ֟ , ֮ ֛ ֛ ֟ ִ ӳֻ ָ ִ ׻֋ ž֮ ֕ ֻֆ ֟ Ӭ ִָ֕ օ ָ , ׮ֻ , ֲ ֋ ׿š , ָ ָ ׯ֟֕ ֕ ָ ׻֋ ֋ , ֕ ӳֻ ֯ ֮֟ ָ ָ פ, ֵԤ֋ ãׯ֟ և? ָ - "ִ ֕׬ָֿ֕ ֵ õ :" ֮ ֕ ִ , ֟ ִֵ , ִ ִ ֯ ֲ Ӭ ֻ? ׯ֟֕ ֮֓ ֻ֮ , ֯ ֟ և, ָ, ָ, ߮ Ӭ ִ ֻ , ֕ ֯ ־֮ ָ פ פ ֕ , ֬ ָ ָ ֟ ִ , ֕ 2C/VNK ָ ֿ:

-NB/VNK-SSS/4.15/2C

ֻ (֟) : Ӥ ֮ ָ֓ ֟ ִ֕ ִ֮ ׻֋ ָ ? ֻ Menifesto ָ , ִ ֯ ֮ ׻֋ ֲ ֻ ֋ ִ ֋ ֤֋ ֯ ֋ ָ ָ ֋ ֮ ָ ãׯ֟ þֵ 14 ֛ ֮ ֛ , ֕ ֤ԅ פ ãׯ֟ ױ ֕ ׻֋ ֨ ׮ִ ֕ ֮֟ þִ ִ֕ , ִ֕ ֕ ׌ , ֕ ׻֋ ֵ ָ ֕ ִ֕ ׻֋ , ִ֕ ֕ ׻֋ ־֮ֆ ן֤֯ ֮ ־ָ ױ ֻ և ֤֮֟ ֳ֬ , ֮֯ ִֵ פ, ֯ ׻֋ ֮־֤ ִֵָ ֻ ֋ ֻ ׮־ֵԟ ֲ, פ ױ ֲ ֮ Ծ ִ ֿ ֤֮֟ ׻֋ ֋Ӆ ֮־֤ (ִ֯)

ֳ֬ ( ָ֕ ״) : ֮־֤, ߅ ָ֮ ߅

ָ֮ (׸) : ֮־֤ ֳ֬ , ִֵָ ײֻ , impotant , ָ issue ָ Private Member Bill ֵ ײֻ ߮ - Compulsory Voting, ָ - Political Survey by Media before Polling ָ - Exit Poll ֈ ָָ . . ֻ, Chief Election Commissioner , ׻֋ ֲ ׮Ե פ ֌ ֈ ֤֤ , ִ ָ, ִ֟ Compulsory Voting ׿ ָ ܟֵָ ֮ ֋, ־֮ ֤--֤ ػ Ù֮ ָ ֋Ӆ ָ ִ֮ ״ֻ 1993 ֲ ӕֲ ؙ ߲֮ ӓ ֚ ָ ػ ָָ ֮ ևԅ ֱ ӓ ָ ػ ױ MLA declare פ ֋, situation democracy , ׻֋ ָ ֋ ־ ָ ֟ ֟ ػ Ù֮ ָ ֟ ו֮ ׾֮֫ , ־֮Դ ֵ ו֮ ָ֟ ׾֬ , ؙ ֲ decision making ָ ִ , ֻ ֋? Ù׻ֵ ֵ , Compulsory Voting rule ָ Ԯ ֛ ָ ֋ ָ ֛օ , ֮ word law ֮ ֺ ִ֟ ָָ ָ Political Parties ״ֻ rule Code of Conduct ֮ highest percentage ֋, ֮ 85 ָ, 90 ָ ֋ ֮ ßֻ ִ ß֮ believe , ִ ֻ֟ ָ ָ average 35 to 40 ָ majority ֻ ִ ֮ ֛օ (SC/2D ָ ֿ:)

SC/4.20/2D

ָ֮ (֟) : ִ ֮ ֛ ָ ׸ ָ ׸ ֻ ֵ ֮ ֋ ױ ׾ ? ׻֋ ִ֟ ֙ ؙ ָָ ꌿ֮ ߿֮ ֋ ִ ֟ ϓָ ִ֟ ֟ ֟ ß֮ ֮֟ ؙ ױ ׻֋ ? ׾ֻ ӓֵ֟ ֻ ָ ָӓ פ ֲ ֋ ׮ֻ֯ ֈָֻ ־ ׮ֻ֯ ֻ֮ פ þֵ ֮ ֯ ָ וִָ ֮ ػ Ù֮ ָ ֋ͅ ָ ָ ׾ ֜ ֲ ֻ֮ ׻֋ ֮ ָ ֵ֤ ׸̻ ֋Ӆ ׻֋ ֤ , ׻֋ ׾ָ֓ ָֻ ֻ ׸ ֻ֮ ׻֋ ֋, ׻֋ ָ ֛օ

ָ, ָ Կ - ׻י ־ ֵ כ - ׻֋ ִ֟ ָ כ כ ָ֯ ֕ ӛ߯ כ ָ ֻ ֮ ָ כ ֮׻Ù ן׸ ׾ כ ֜ ־ כ þֵ ֮ ֯ ֻ֟ ײ֟ ִ֟ כ ֮ ֯ ֮ ־ ? ֻ֟ ָ ֮ , ׻֕ ֻ֟ ׯ֔ ꌿ , ׻י ־ , ׸̻ ֮ ֻ֟ ײ֟ , ֟ ִ ֮ ֻ֟ , ִ֟ ֈ ָ ӲӬ ֛ ֟ ־ , ן־֤ ֕ , religion כև ֛ ־ ֟ ָ stress ֟ religion ֮ ־ ֮֟ ֤ ן־֤ ֟ ֕ - ןֵ - ֜־ ״ֻ֟ ֮߮ ֮ ֮ ׸̻ ָ ָ, ֮ ־ ֮ ֻ ֯֙ , ֮ ֮ ֯ ֆ, ו̸ ֯ ָ ׸, ֯ ֯ ֮-ֵ֮ ׸ ׻֋ ָ ֯ וִ ־ ֯ دϙ ֆ ߾ ֻ ָ Կ ֆ ִ ֯ ־ ֆ ײ֙ ָ כ ֮ ֻ֟ ֟ ֵ ô և ָ ־ ׻י ֙ ߛ ֮ ָ ֋ ֵ ָ ֮ , ־ ׯ׮ֵ֮ ֮ ֮ ֜ ֛ ָ֟ ֵ ִ֟ כ ֻ - ִ ֺ - þֵ ִ ֮ Ù ֮ ָ ֮ ״ֻօ ֵ ֟ , ֵ֤ ֯ י ֵ - advertisement , ֲָ ׾֮֯ ׻י ֙ ִ ֵ Ù ֻ ֯ ָ̯ ָߤ , ָ , ָ և ֯ ֮ ֤ , ָ ֻ ֮ ֲ ֯ ײ֙ - purchase of newspaper pages - ֮ ֵ Ù ֻ ֛ ִ֟ כ ָ ֟ ֜ ָ̯ -, ߮-߮ ֟ ֮ Advertisement , ߋ߯ ָ ֯ ߮ , ײ ָ ָ ֟ ָ correspondent ߛ ߟ (2-ߋ ָ ֟)

MCM-VP/2E/4-25

ָ֮ (֟) : ָ ׯ׮ֵ֮ ָ ׸ֻ ֲָ և ֮ ִ , ֋ ׯ׮ֵ֮ ־ , ֕ ִ և ָ ֟ פ ׸ֻ ֵ ֮ ֻ ꌿ֮ ׸ֻ օ ꌿ֮ ֟ ֙ ״֮֮ ׸ֻ ֻ כָ פ ֟ ֮ ׻֋ כ ׻֋ ֲ ײֻ߾ כ כ , כ וֿ֮ ֲ֕ ß֮ ֤ ϳ־ ״ֻ֟ ָ כ ֟ ֛ , ֱֻ ֟ ׯ׮ֵ֮ ֲ ֮ , ֕ ָ ֋ ߛ ֮ , ֤ ֤ ״ֻ ו֮֟ ֛ ֮ ֤ ־ ֤ ׻֋ ׯ׮ֵ֮ ֻ֟ ָ ֟օ ָ ֵ ׌͙ , ִ ׮ֵ , ָ ֕ ػ Ӥ ֟ ֬ ә ׸ֻ כָ ֟ ֟ ִ և , ֲ ߮ -ָ ߻ Ùߙ ֬ ә ֯ ׸ֻ כָ ֟ כ by nature ֮ ִֵ ֟ ֤ brag ֻ֮ ֤ ׮ ֮ פ ֤ ֻ֮ ֲ ֮ ãן ֟֟ ׌͙ ֻ ֟ ׾֬ ֯ ֬ ә Ùߙ ֳ ׻ֵ ׸ֻ פօ ֮ ֟ ָ Ù , ïꇻ ֲ ָ ߓ և ׌͙ ֻ֟ և , in a way, ױ Ӱ Ӱ և ֮ כ֮ ׌͙ , ָ פ ֯ ִ ֺ ׻י ֙ how to approach them ֮ ִ ֋Ӆ ׌֙ ֻ֟ ָ ָ ֋ ֲ ֵ֤ ׻֋ ָ ׾ָ֓ ֣ ו֮֟ ֲ ֮ ٙ և ֳ ״ֻ֮ ֻ ߮ ә և ײֻ ָ ִ֮ ֋ ֵ֤ ִ֟ ָ և ײֻ ו֮֟ ֟ ָ ׸ֻ ׮օ ִֵָ ײֻ ָ ִ֮ , Ͽ , he has brought such an important issue before us, ֲ ٙ ֙ ׻י ָ , This is for everydbody. ֲ ״ֻ ָ ׾ָ֓ ָ և ײֻ, ו ׸ֻ ֋, ׸ֻ ֮ ׸ֻ ֲ ֟ ֲ ָָ ײֻ ֟ ָ ֋ ֋ ִ֯ ֋օ Ù ֮֮ և ײֻ ֻ ֛ : ׻֋ Ù ꯙ ֣ ֮ ֯ פ ׯ֔ פ ֈؙ ֻ ֋, ִ ֳ֬ , ֯ ָ ָ ֯ ֲ ֛ ֮ ٻִֵ׸֮ , ֵ ֮֮ ֮ ײֻ ֋ ֤֤ - ֻ ָ ֟ ִ֬ ִ ײֻ ֻꌙ ֋ և פ ֋ և ײֻ ׻֋ ֱ- ֮ -߮ פ ֋Ӆ ױ ײֻ ָ ײ֮֕ כ֮ ײֻ ָ ָ ֋ ִֵָ , ֯ ײֻ ִ֣Ԯ ֯ ָָ ֛ ָ , ֯ וֿ֮ ׻֋ ײֻ ָ ֵԾ : ִ֣Ԯ ֯ ֮־֤ ֮֯ և פօ (ִ֯) (2f ָ )

PK/GS/4.30/2F

SHRI SHANTARAM LAXMAN NAIK (GOA): Mr. Vice-Chairman, Sir, I stand here to support, in principle, the Bill moved by Shri V. Narayanasamy, the Compulsory Voting and Prohibition of Pre-Poll Survey and Exit Poll of Elections Bill, 2004.

Sir, while saying that I support his Bill in principle, I would like to state that this Bill, as it is, is not viable in the sense that if at all the concept of Shri V. Narayanasamy is to be realised, then, an amendment to the Constitution has to be proposed.

Secondly, amendment to the Representation of People's Act, 1951 has also to be proposed. This concept can go only in this Constitution and in a legislation. An independent Bill like this cannot change the position, as it exists today, in the Constitution of India. But, in principle, as I said, Sir, I support this Bill.

Secondly, I would like to submit, Sir, that I have also given a Resolution which speaks of powers of Election Commission. Unfortunately, for me, last Friday, there was total turmoil and I could not go on with my Resolution which, perhaps, had the scope of discussing the entire powers of Election Commission. Shri Narayanasamy is very fortunate; that is why, they are cooperating with him, but they were not cooperative with me; therefore, my Resolution could not go on. (Interruptions)..

Now, Sir, I would like to state that there should be compulsory voting. Basically, one may find it to be not practicable; that is why, they say -- that side -- says "you are curbing my fundamental rights etc." ֵ, ָ ִ և So, the question is not of fundamental right. We have to make the beginning somewhere. There may be hurdles. Fines will have to be imposed. There may be difficulties in collecting fines from the poor people, but there are ways out. A start has to be made in case our democracy has to be successful.

Thirdly, if the name of a citizen is not there in the electoral roll, today, he suffers, because he cannot get many other facilities. Same concept should be extended to those who do not vote. They should also be deprived of certain basic facilities. Only then, this concept of compulsory voting will come to reality. As far as voting is concerned, I wish Dr. Gill would have been here. He was complaining against the Election Commission. The people have got the right to vote. Many people like in Goa and Kerala go and work on board a ship. Some work in Gulf countries. They come after one or two years. But the Election Commission arbitrarily defined the concept of ordinary residence in their own way and all these people are today deprived of voting. Just because somebody is working on board a ship, he does not cease to be a resident of his house. His house is not on board a ship. The Election Commission ordered the names of all these voters to be deleted. Similarly, those who are working in Gulf countries stay in small barracks. They work for two years and come back. When they come back, if there happens to be an election in their area, why should they not be allowed to vote? They have not built palatial buildings where they are staying. They are just staying in barracks. They are manual workers. (Contd. by PB/2G)

PB/2G/4.35

SHRI SHANTARAM LAXMAN NAIK (CONTD.): Therefore, sometimes, when we speak of the Election Commission very highly, I regret to say that a body like the Election Commission defines certain things in a very narrow manner, depriving the citizens of this country the right to vote. Therefore, after we raised a voice against it, -- I myself have raised this matter several times -- the Law Minister was kind enough to introduce a Bill to give voting right to these people But, somehow, that Bill has not come to the second stage of consideration and passing. So, I urge upon the Government that in the interest of democracy, in the interest of this section of the people, this Bill should be brought forward for consideration and passing as early as possible.

As far as exercising the voting right is concerned, I would like to again state that it is the weaker sections of the society which go to polling booths to cast their votes. The elite class in the urban areas remain in their homes; they do not go to cast their votes. They give lectures on democracy; they give lectures on how a political party should behave; they give lectures on how leaders should behave; they write articles and give interviews, but many of these people belonging to the elite class do not go to polling booths. Due to this reason also, voting has to be made compulsory.

Secondly, Sir, I fully agree with my colleagues as far as proportional representation is concerned. Ultimately, if the present system continues, even if a person gets five or ten per cent of the votes polled, he can become a MLA or M.P. Therefore, keeping in mind this kind of voting pattern, we have to introduce the French system or a system, as Dr. Gill has said, in which only if a person gets 50+1 votes, he will be elected to the Parliament or the Assembly. And, in this area, I do not know whether we will be able to carry forward other reforms or not as there may or may not be a consensus on several other proposals which have been lying in cold storage, but I think the Government must consider this aspect of proportional representation at the earliest if the elected representative has to represent properly the people of his constituency. Otherwise, it makes a mockery of the whole concept of representation. Therefore, I urge upon the Law Minister to see to it that, at least, this reform comes before the House at the earliest.

Sir, now I come to the EPIC card, the electronic voting card, which is related to voting. In this case, the Election Commission has tried its best to see to it that these cards are issued to the maximum number of voters. It is a good attempt. People try to give an impression that it was Mr. T.N. Seshan who had introduced this concept. But I would like to say, with due respect to the Election Commission, that Shri T.N. Seshan had taken a stand during his time as if his powers under Article 324 were superior to the powers of Parliament. His arrogance had gone to the maximum. Sir, it was not he who had introduced the concept of voting Card. This concept was introduced as early as in the Election Law of 1951. The Parliament then passed a law and provided for the EPIC card. However, it was Mr. Seshan who tried to implement it. The credit goes to him for implementing it. But, by and large, people say that it was he who had brought this concept. It is said that he introduced it and the entire credit has gone to Mr. Seshan. But it is not so. Now, an attempt is being made to see that in all constituencies, the maximum number of people are issued election cards. But, there is absolutely no need for the Election Commission -- with due respect to it -- to give untrue statement. (Contd. by 2h/SKC)

2h/4.40/skc-akg

SHRI SHANTARAM LAXMAN NAIK (CONTD.): What are the statements issued when elections begin? They say that EPIC Cards would be compulsory for voting for this election. Fifteen days before elections are to take place, they issue a statement that that is compulsory; they know it very well that it is not going to be compulsory; they cannot make it compulsory. A body like the Election Commission issuing such untrue statements is deeply regrettable. What do they ultimately do? Look at how the voters suffer -- just two days before the elections they would say, 'it is okay; there are 16 or 17 alternative documents with which you may identify yourself'. People are not aware; how many people would come to know about it in just two days? So, many people who don't have the EPIC Cards don't go to the polls.

Secondly, they talk about who all are entitled to use alternative documents; if you have already been issued an identity card, you will not be entitled to use one. Suppose, I have been issued an identity card and for some reason I am not able to bring it to the polling station but I have got with me one of the alternative documents, I will not be able to use those documents. They say, 'you have been issued an EPIC Card and, therefore, you are not entitled to use them'. Those who have not been issued EPIC Card or who did not care to get the EPIC Card issued, on the other hand, are privileged to vote. This is something that is absurd; and if the Election Commission does this, it is very strange.

Now, Sir, an attempt is being made throughout the world to make voting compulsory. There are 32 such countries of which 17 countries are truly enforcing it. They are: Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Chile, Cyprus, Equador, Fiji, Greece, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Mexico, Nauru, Peru, Singapore, Switzerland and Uruguay. These are the 17 countries, which have enforced the law. Then, although there is a compulsion and the law provides for it, there are 13 countries which do not enforce it; they are: Bolivia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, Egypt, France, Japan, Guatemala, Ponderosa, Italy, Paraguay, Philippines, Spain and Thailand. Interestingly, two countries, Australia and Netherlands, had introduced compulsory voting but for some reason, have given up on it.

ֵָ : ִָ֮ , ֮֯ ו֮ ™ ִ ׻ֵ , ִ ™ ֛ ?

ִָ֮ ֵ : Ù , ָߵ , ™

ֳ֬ ( ָ֕ ״) : ִ ׻ֵ , ֛

SHRI SHANTARAM LAXMAN NAIK: So, these countries have tried to implement compulsory voting by levying certain fines. But they are also finding it very difficult to collect fines. They are facing problems which we may also face in case we do it. Nevertheless, these people are trying.

Then, Sir, as far as voting is concerned, there is a voting mafia at many places. They control the number of votes. What are we going to do about it? Sometimes, people who work abroad make loads of money; they come six months prior to elections; they purchase large chunks of votes; they contest independently and they decide the fate of the parties, whether Congress or BJP. This is a new practice that is going on now. Then, there are land mafias who control votes like anything; it has happened in Goa. They can change the entire scenario. So, where are our fundamental principles? Where are our bona fide voters? Election Commission gives lectures all the time. But where real money power is involved, they cannot do anything. They would come to your campaign office to watch the candidate -- how many samosas he is giving to the workers, how many batata vadas he is supplying to the workers -- and count the money. There are samosas at the rate of Rs. 10, and batata vadas at Rs. 5 and they show the expenditure against a name. (Contd. by 2j/ksk)

SCH-HK/2j/4.45

SHRI SHANTARAM LAXMAN NAIK (CONTD.): This is the only job that the expenditure observers of Election Commission are doing. They will not take the trouble of going at night time to see who is distributing money. In Goa, these observers come and enjoy on sea beaches. They don't go along with policemen in constituencies to see at night time whether distribution of money is taking place or not. They are enjoying. This is the role that the observers of Election Commission are performing, at least, in the State of Goa. Therefore, these people have to be taken to task. Just by curtailing outward expenditure, you cannot do anything. If you want to curtail expenditure, you have to act like a policeman, you act under the Constitution of India and catch the people and show that when somebody was distributing so many lakhs, you caught him. If Election Commission observers catch people while distributing money, then we can say that they have done some duty. Therefore, Sir, there are constraints as far as this aspect is concerned. Then I come to voters vis-a-vis our cine kalakaars. During earlier times, many years back, cine artists were not contesting election. Legendary people like Dilip Kumar, who subsequently became our Member, and Balraj Sahni canvassed for parties and it deemed fit. Dilip Kumar used to canvass for the Congress and Balraj Sahni used to canvass for Left Parties and they had tremendous respect. Nowadays, actors of TV serials like sita was fielded as candidate. She got votes; no social service. Person who acted as Ravana also got votes. I do not mean anything, but votes come in such a manner that if you act in a TV serial, you become popular and gets votes. People like me and you who are doing service for years have to sweat for even one vote and they don't have to sweat. Therefore, tendency is that all political parties are fielding such candidates.

ֵָ : ֮֯ ߟ ִ ׻ֵ ִ ׻֋, ֯ ֮ ֙ - ִ ו֋

SHRI SHANTARAM LAXMAN NAIK: At random we don't field. If you remember, the first cine artist we fielded was Late Shri Sunil Dutt. He was an actor, no doubt about it. But he was a real social worker and real patriot. He undertook padayatra throughout the country and won the hearts of people of the country. This is the type of cine artist we fielded for secularism.

SHRI V. NARAYANASAMY: But communal people will not understand it.

ֵָ : ֯ ֙

ֳ֬ ( ָ֕ ״): ֯ ֮ ו֋

ֵָ : ִ֤ , ֯ ֮ ֟ ׻֋ օ

SHRI SHANTARAM LAXMAN NAIK: For the sake of glamour ..(Interruptions)..

SHRI RUDRA NARAYAN PANY: He should take the name of Members of other House.

SHRI SHANTARAM LAXMAN NAIK: For the sake of glamour and to attract votes if you put cine artist who has done no social work, this is not a fair thing. People today say, if Shahrukh Khan contest election he can defeat any leader in the country. This is the concept which is going on. This trend is not a good trend. Political parties cannot educate people. During the intervening period of election, social associations and NGOs should train and educate voters how to vote. Political parties have got their own interests. They cannot lecture voters how to vote or not to vote. They will take it badly. So, other agencies must educate. Therefore, when we are talking of our voting rights, this aspect has to be considered. (Contd. by 2k/KSK)

KSK/PSV/4.50/2K

SHRI SHANTARAM LAXMAN NAIK (CONTD): Now, coming to the aspect of pre-poll, exit poll, etc., I do not know how these people do this poll because votes are secret. When they say that so and so person is going to be elected or such and such party is going to be elected, that means they have asked the people whom they have voted. After obtaining views from them, they are revealing it, maybe collectively, but this is like violating the provisions of the Constitution which speaks of secrecy of voting. Therefore, in that context, that is ultra vires of the Constitution. Secondly, as Dr. M.S. Gill has said, law is also there. Only thing is that we are not implementing it. The law can be further amended and further strengthened. We are not implementing the provisions relating to exit polls because we would not like to antagonise the powerful electronic media today. Nobody is in a position to antagonise and, therefore, this provision of law is lying in the cold-storage. So, all the political parties have to dare challenge; rather than saying challenge, we have to make the electronic media aware of their duties under the Constitution of India, the duties for safeguarding the interest of the democracy of this country. I think, if all of us collectively explain, perhaps, they will also understand. Secondly, it also amounts to electoral offence because it amounts to casting undue influence on the voters. Therefore, it is also an electoral offence. Therefore, support of the law is very much there but we have to convince the media on what has to be done.

Secondly, on various issues, voters are to be educated. Political parties do this job of educating the voters on what a particular party has done, what the Government has done. But, in the society, there are other organisations which should also educate voters on what the political parties have done, what they have not done and what they were supposed to do. Now, in case elections are held earlier or otherwise, we have to explain to the people about the 123 Agreement. It would be a tough task. We have to admit. It is difficult. But, if time is available, that can be explained. Agriculturists can be explained as to how they get power. And, wherever there are people who agree with us, they can do this job of explaining to the people. And, for very-very common man, who does not understand about the 123 Agreement. 123 ߴ , ֬ ֟ ֮ ֕֋ "--߮-ָ..." ֻօ Then, they will understand. So, voters, in any case, have to be explained....(־֮֬)... entertain ֟ . We have to think on how to explain to the lower-class people who do not understand it. Therefore, we have to devise some method. , ֮ ֕ - "--߮-ָ..." ...(־֮֬)...

ֵָ : ֮֯ ? ...(־֮֬)...

ִָ֮ ֵ : , ...(־֮֬)...

ֵָ : ֮ ָ ֯ , , ߮ ? ֮ ֢ , ֮ ִ֣Ԯ ֻ...(־֮֬)...

ֳ֬ ( ָ֕ ״): ִָ֮ , ֯ ָ ָ ׻֋ ...(־֮֬)...

ֵָ : ߮ ? ߮ ֮ ׾֯ ֯ ? ...(־֮֬)...

ִָ֮ ֵ : ꌿ֮ ״ֿ֮ ָ ָ , MPLAD ꌙ ָ , ָ օ ִ It is very sad that there is Chief Election Commissioner who says that he can remove any of the Members; he has got the power. It is nowhere written in the Constitution. Whether the Member has committed a mistake or not, the law will take its own course, but if the Election Commissioner says that he can remove a Member, that is not right. Secondly, as Shri Amar Singh also mentioned about the case of Shrimati Jaya Bachchan, I would also like to say that it was a quasi-judicial proceeding; nobody could interfere, at least, nobody can interfere in Election Commission's power. If Jayaji's case had come at a later stage, perhaps, she could have been protected by the law, which we have. Unfortunately, for her, her case was disposed of earlier. And, at that stage, it is most unfortunate if he takes the name of our leaders that they interfered in her case. This was most unfortunate....(Interruptions).

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (SHRI KALRAJ MISHRA): Narayanasamyji, let him speak. (followed by 2l - gsp)

GSP-HMS/2L/4.55

SHRI SHANTARAM LAXMAN NAIK: Sir, as far as the Election Commission is concerned, I would like to mention something that is most unfortunate. Sir, I would like to mention article 324 of the Constitution. Article 324 says, "The superintendence, direction and control of the preparation of the electoral rolls for, and the conduct of, all elections to Parliament and to the Legislature of every State and of elections to the offices of President and Vice-President held under this Constitution shall be vested in a Commission (referred to in this Constitution as the Election Commission)." ֱ power of superintendence of election , ֯ ֮ ֕ , you will be surprised to know that under the guise of this power under article 324, laws have been made by the Election Commission for the last ten years. This was started by former Chief Election Commissioner, Shri T.N. Seshan. Gill saheb is here, he implemented it; everybody followed it but in a milder manner. But Mr. T.N. Seshan used article 324, and, said, "My powers are superior than the powers vested in the Parliament under Representation of People's Act, 1951." This was the thing. Now, suppose the Government or the Minister wants to bring a Bill to enact a law, it takes about one to two years. Firstly, the concept is made and then the departmental notings and all that take place. It takes about two years. Maybe, the fastest procedure takes one year. But for the Election Commission, to 'create' a law, it takes one hour. They just write one letter on any election subject under the sun, and, that becomes a law. You cannot violate it. Just one simple khat, a letter, becomes a law. And, for the last ten years, under article 324, they have issued hundreds of letters, which today we consider as law; they consider as law. And, at the time of elections, if you violate any of the provisions laid down in those letters, then the consequences are tremendous. ֯ 15 פ , 15 פ candidate ֟օ You cannot oppose. You cannot go to the Election Commission. You cannot do anything. In the fifteen days, virtually, the letters are to be obeyed. It affects all the political parties, and, therefore, I have got the Resolution. Now, under article 324, The Symbols Order of 1968 has been issued. Symbols Order ֟ ? 'Recognition of political parties' is covered under the Election Commission's order. ֮ ֮ ; this way or that way. Recognition of political parties should have been the subject matter under the Parliamentary law. But today it is there in the Election Commission's order.

Take for example the split in the political parties. ֲ ׻י ֙ split , who decides the matter? The Election Commission decides the matter under an Order passed by them. Law is enacted by the Election Commission, and, is judged also by the Commission. Have you heard of such a system? Laws are passed by the Parliament; somebody else sits as Judge. For matters relating to a split in a political party, the law is made by the Election Commission -- Para 15 of the Symbols Order -- and is judged also by the Election Commission.

Then comes 'De-recognition of political parties'. If this thing happens, can de-recognise your party. That is also covered under this. Then comes the 'Code of Conduct'. Sir, some political parties assembled some years back and said, "Okay, we will follow this Code of Conduct". ָ ߕ , ֮ ֮ I will give you a simple example, you will be shocked to hear it.

ֳ֬ ( ָ֕ ״) : ֵ , ֯ ֮ ִֵ , ֯ ֮ ֮ ֟ ֟ ?

SHRI SHANTARAM LAXMAN NAIK: Sir, I will take only one minute. I will finish this point. Then, I will continue next time. I want to make this point clear, Sir. Do you know what is the punishment provided in the Election laws if you put a poster or a banner at a wrong place? The punishment is neither fine nor imprisonment. It is said that putting a poster at a wrong place is violation of Code of Conduct and, therefore, the consequence is the cancellation of registration of the particular political party. (Followed by 2m-ysr)

PREVIOUS HOUR