PREVIOUS HOUR

PB/1M/3.00

DR. M.S. GILL (CONTD.): What has happened to the parliamentary law, which says that even before 48 hours they have to be blocked? All this is in their law. In 2004, I was somewhere here, and again I gave a statement after the last election in favour of the Commission. It was widely published. I called upon the Supreme Court. I said, "The Supreme Court should look afresh at the exit poll issue." When that happened and we were blocked, we had to, for the first time, during my time, suffer this crazy situation. Immediately after the elections, I did speak to the country again and again. I said, 'This is a serious matter. I call upon all the political parties to sit together, think about it and correct this; otherwise, you are not having a fair election.' This is where the matter unfortunately remains. Of course, today, all parties are saying it. But I had to ask the political parties, "Why aren't you going to the Supreme Court? In other matters, every day, you take an expensive lawyer; why don't you all go and make a noise there that we want it heard, we want it decided?" This is what I asked the political parties and it is something they have to think about.

Now, again in April 2007, there was a hearing and the Commission went there; Mr. Gopalaswami's people argued and fought hard and said 'please decide, please do something'. They did not get, I am afraid, what comfort they should have got and I was a little surprised. This is the Attorney-General list. I do not know where he is taking the position. I mean, it is a little bit 'on a side'. I thought the Attorney-General should be supporting the Commission and should be fighting saying that 'decide this matter, My Lords'. But I am afraid his position here is, as I read from the papers, he is standing 'half-neutral on a side', if I can say that. All cuttings are here and I can't understand his position. Everybody takes a technicality that we have to have a law. Imagine the Law Ministry and the Attorney-General taking this kind of a position saying that 'we need a law; if Commission puts guidelines or somebody passes a law, then you could block these gentlemen or try to block them.' The law is there since 1996. The basic justice law of India is there. The Constitution is in support of it and we had done it. And, if you want to carry on like this, please do; because now I am amused to see all parties are ߅ I don't think I am exaggerating. Every now and then, I read one party or the other saying that ' Ӥ ', Mr. Badal here and so and so there and so and so there because all parties are ߅ Ultimately, this thing is driving a coach through a calm, fair and perfect election and the world that looks at our system laughs at us. But the Commission keeps on pleading and they are getting nowhere. So, what I would like to say is that this matter should be pushed and taken up. In my eyes, the Government, the Law Ministry and the Attorney-General should do it. They should try to get it resolved quickly. The political parties should go there and take it up. Then they will get an early hearing. The political parties of India cannot be refused. It won't be that easy. But I don't know why they are not doing it. I believe we need it to have fair elections. The correct thing is that 48 hours before elections, everything ceases, and, you are allowed to compose yourself and reflect calmly and decide which way you want to vote for the good of India, and that is the only way, the world votes. As I have shown you, there are plenty of laws of this nature.

Since it is an election matter, Sir, if you permit me and you said և ֯ ׻֋ , I will take the advantage of this to say one or two things more. One is about the electoral reforms. As I said, I wish sometimes somebody would want to sit down and have a serious discussion. There are so many things which can be done to make it better and make it easier for all those who are in the arena. People like me are really not. But I know how difficult it is and we can make it better. One of them is this, and this is a thought which many of us have propagated. (Contd. by 1n/SKC)

1n/3.05/skc

DR. M.S. GILL (CONTD.): Mr. Krishna Kant also used to say, I remember, that winning should not be ten per cent of the vote or fifteen per cent of the vote -- 40 per cent poll. Now, look at the situation. You have got barely 44 per cent poll in Uttar Pradesh; even in Jharkhand the situation was the same; it was less than 50 per cent. What is the mandate? Somebody has got 20 per cent out of that or 18 per cent out of that. So, this is something which should worry us. But the thing that I say, and Mr. Krishna Kant used to say, and others say, is that we must change the system to say, "You will be elected if the results are 50 plus one; you must have a majority". I had said as CEC again and again, after I had introduced those electronic machines, that I can do it; the Commission can do it today or tomorrow, just like it is in France where it is a very easy process -- we have those machines; we don't need ballot papers, we don't need boxes; we don't need anything; we have the voting today, on Monday and, then, three days later, we take the top two candidates and you press the buttons again, and you will get a majority. This would bring a major social change in India's politics and in the thinking of voters and in the thinking of the political parties. I need not say anything more. It will be good for India. That is something which has to be brought forward some day.

The second thing is the electronic voting machine, the pushing and bringing that technology which is now total in India. I had said when I retired, that in the next General Election, India will vote electronically, an electronic card in hand and an electronic machine in the booth. and everybody is satisfied. Now that technology -- I don't know if you all had thought about it -- removed half the ֛ of your elections which used to be in counting. Counting is going on, one party is in power, staff is sitting there, ֌ ֋, ֌ ֋, ֌ Ù פ and, true or false, people were unhappy. All of you have gone through these phases. I have conducted elections and have known it. From the day the electronic machine came, there was no `spoilt-route'; that chapter of Dr. Ambedkar is gone, because one thousand votes cast, six hundred for him and four hundred for him; when I opened the box, you just had to add up a hundred polling stations and hundred machines. Sir, we could actually give you an Indian General Election finished at five o'clock on the polling day and, by 11 o'clock, give you the national result. They can. We give a gap of two days because in India we have a mechanism - necessary and useful - that we conduct a repoll at some polling stations where somebody might have broken the machine, or run away with it or tried to assault or something. So, we had to keep waiting for two days. But as you know, on the voting day, by 1 o'clock, your results of Assembly Elections, in each State, are out. And I was happy, when in Delhi, I remember, the BJP had lost totally and yet, the result at not even one polling station was challenged. That is a proof that the Party had accepted the result. Today, the same thing is happening in election after election. So, this is not an issue anymore. Therefore, that machine technology has given half the reforms.

But there is another reform which I have been fighting for since 1998. I would not hesitate to repeat myself as a purely technical man. That is that you have a second set of problems in the State Elections. I am talking only of State Elections. In State elections, the problem -- as I used to say and I will repeat it -- is that one party is in power and it also has a candidate to retain that kursi and that power. And if this is to happen, ָ ־֮ ׸-ꌿ֮ , ֟ ֋, ֟ - Ӭ , ׸-ꌿ֮ ֛ ׿ ... (־֮֬)

Now, who causes trouble in a State Election? It is the party in power, wherever, whichever political side it belongs to. (Interruptions) Okay, Sir. I accept that. (Interruptions) Therefore, it is the party in power -- you take any State -- which has the allurement to try and use resources because, technically, under the Constitution, till the new Government takes over, that Cabinet is in power; all the District Magistrates, the SPs, the DCs, the DSPs, all the Civil Services, are under their power. The Commission tries with methods we devised; occasionally they are challenged by people from your side; but we have managed to do certain things by which we somehow bully the system. For example, I made it that if anybody has been for four years in a district, even if he is a good officer, remove him at election; anybody who has been in his home district -- British never had it; Indians have it -- has to go. (Contd. by 1o/ksk)

KSK/VNK/3.10/1O

DR. M.S. GILL (CONTD): Like this, we did all these little tricks to try and make it better. But, the fact is that the totality of the Administration is under the party in power and the Chief Minister and his Cabinet, and there is only that much that the Commission can do. Now, my formula is very simple that the moment the Commission declares elections, which is 6 weeks before polling day, or eight weeks at best; not even eight. We have got that tightening of the time limit with Mr. Jaitley in an agreement before the Supreme Court; Justice Barucha. All of you know that. It is a law now. So, the Commission gets about 6-7 weeks. The moment we declare those elections, the State Cabinet should go. Automatically, there should be Governor's rule. You don't need Parliamentary approval because he is going to be there only for two months or less, and, therefore, suddenly, the Civil Services and all the mechanisms come in a neutral posture and everybody has to go and play hockey there and chak de India. ֮֯ " כ" ꅠ But, everybody will be a player there. Nobody will be sitting here. Nobody will be referee, lord and master. Of course, with that, I have a second proviso that this system, because once there is no Government here, what you really worry about is violence, a little bit of push and pull, a little bit of misuse of staff, a little bit of some other things and misuse of resources. All that disappears. There is nobody sitting here except the Governor. But, on that, I have a proviso and I have been saying it since 1998, and I have been saying that to the country that please think of it beyond party. You will have to go that way ו֮֟ ֻ ֆ, ׾ָ֓ And, this is my exact quotation from 1998 onwards, "The time has come in India when all high-Constitutional positions, namely, Governors, Election Commissioners -- I used to say that sitting as CEC -- Chairmen of all National Commissions, must be appointed by effective neutral selection. The Government of the day -- here, it used to be another one when I spoke; it is now another one today and they will keep on changing in India's democracy -- should select people on these positions in effective consultation with the people of the other side so that when you have a Governor who carries the broad confidence of the parties and the people of that State, and God knows you need that for this country to go forward. ߬ ֟ When you have such a Governor and you have the Commission sitting here and absolutely hawks on watching everything happening, then suddenly, you will have a calm election in whichever State you think has violence. I won't name anybody. I also want to say the civil servants of this country, by and large, still serve you well. ևԋ ׻֋ ֯֟ , ֲ ֕ օ But, the civil servants still serve this country well and they are also clever people. You select them by your highest body. that they should do this and do that which is against the Constitution. Sometimes, they are suborned. Sometimes, they are threatened rather seriously. You know that things happen and you know the cases and they also have to have their ֻ- ֻ-֓ ֻ֮ The moment there is nothing above them except a fair Governor and the Commission behind them. ֯ ؓ֟ , Ù ֯ election , פ Sir, I have nothing more to say. Thank you very much.

(Ends)

ָ (ָ Ϥ) : ֮־֤ ֳ֯ן , ֮ ָ ß . ִֵָ և ֬և ֮־֤ ָٳ֟ ֟ ֤ ϵ ֻ ׾֫֯ ֌־ ָ ӡ, ָ ׮ֵ ֛ ֟ ־ , ֟ߕ ֟ , ֟ߕ ִ֮֮ ־֮ֆ ןײִ ϟ ׻֋ ִ֮֮ ־ ״ֻ ֟օ þֺ ִ-߸ ־

(MP/1p ָ ֿ:)

MP-GSP/1P/3.15

ָ (֟) : ãן ׿ ֤֮֟ , ֲָָ ָ ָָ ֮ ֟ ײ֛ ֟ ֕, , ֦ , ־֕ ֓ ןֿ֟ ֛ ןֿ֟ , ֓ ןֿ֟ ָ ֤֮֟ ֟ , ֤֮֟ ֮֟ ֓ ןֿ֟ ֤֮֟ օ ָ, ָ, - ֻ ָ ֤֮֟ ן ϲ ׸ ׾ֿ ָ֡ և , ִ , և ִֵָ ָ֡ և פ, 㴲և ֛-֛ ֻ׮ֵ ֛-֛ ָ߿֮ ָ opinion builder ֮ ֛-֛ ֆ ו֟ ָ ֻ ֤֮֟ ָ ֮ - ֟ ִ , þֵ ֤֮֟ ֟ , þֵ ־ ֮ ֵ֕ Ùָ ֲָ ֲָ ֤ ׬ӿ ־ ֲ ֻ֟ ײ֟ , ֵ ֻ ֟ , ֟ ֮ ֈ , ֟ ֮ ־ , ֮ ָָ , ָ֯ ֮ և ֮ ֛ ִ ֻ , ֟ ײ֟ ֛ Ù ָ֮ ֓օ և, ֮ ֵ ֟ ֮֜ ֻ ׯ ֮ ֡ֆ -ָ֯ ߅ ֟ ֻ ִֻ , .ָ.. ֮֜ ׻֋ , ֡ , ֛ ֛ Ù ָ֮ פ ֵ ֤ ֟ ֻ, ײֻ ֻ ә Ӭ ? ָ֡ , ֻ ֻ ? ׻֋ ִֵָ ֬և ֯ ֮֕ן ֮֕ן ֳ ָ֮ ף֟ , ָ ֛ ֮ , ֛ Ӿ ֣ ֟ ִֵָ ֣ ָ֕ 녠 ָ ֟ , ̸ , ֮ և ִ, ֣ ִ ִ , ׾ִ֮ϟ -

" ز֤ ֛, ӵօ

׻ָ , ز֤ פ ״ֵֻօ"

׮־ֵ , ֻ ָ ֬ , ־ ֻ ֺ ־ã֟ ׻֋ ָ , ִ ִ֓ ׸֟Ԯ ־ã ֺ ..֮ , ׸֟Ԯ פև פ, ׸֟Ԯ ӳ־֟: օ ָ ֣ ֻ , ֲ ܵ ־ ֵ㌟ , ׮ ־ ִ ן ׾ֿ ׾ָ ֤ ָ , ֮֕ן Ӳ֨ ߟ - ֻ ִ , ֯ և ֟ , ֮ - ߟ ׾µ 녠 ֮֕ ܵ ֵ֬߿ , Ӳ֨ ֤õ ֋ ܵ ־ ֵ㌟ , ܵ ֵ֬߿ , ֤ ָ ֻ ֮ ߟ, ֟Դ֮ ׾µ ׮֟ ֮ ׻֋ ־ֿ ֮ ׮֟, neutrality , ֺ ׸ ִֵָ , ֱ כ ָ, ־ ָ ֮ օ * ֯ ו֋, ֮ ׾־֤ ֙ ӲӬ , ִ և ....(־֮֬)...

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: He cannot defend. You don't take the name. (Interruptions)

ָ : , ....(־֮֬)...

֚ : ָ, ֮ פ ֋ ....(־֮֬)...

ֳ֯ן : ֮ פ ֋ , ִ ֟ ו֋ ...(־֮֬)...

ָ : ֯ ...(־֮֬)...

֚ : ָ, ֯ ׾ֵ ....(־֮֬)....

ֳ֯ן : ֋, ִ ׾־֤ ֮ ָ֕ , ִ ֟ ו֋ ....(־֮֬)... ִ ֟ ו֋, ...(־֮֬)...

ָ : ֳ֯ן , ִ ֯

SHRI V. NARAYANASAMY: Mr. Deputy Chairman, Sir...(Interruptions)...

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: He has taken back the name. (Interruptions) Mr. Narayanasamy, no argument please. (Interruptions) He has taken it back. He has withdrawn. (Interruptions) (1q/YSR-MP ָ )

YSR-MP/1Q /3.20

ָ : ִ ֯ ...(־֮֬)...

֚ : ִֵָ , ֟ ֯ ׻֋ ...(־֮֬)...

ָ : ֯ ...(־֮֬)....

ֳ֯ן : ֯ ׻֋, ִ ֟ ו֋ ...(־֮֬)...ִ ؛ݕ ׮ֻ ו֋ ...(־֮֬)...

ָ : ֯ ך....(־֮֬)...

ֳ֯ן : ִ ׾־֤ ֋, ֯ ֮ כ , ִ

-------------------------------------

* Not recorded.


ָ : ֳ֯ן , ֯ ֟ , ֯ ׿ֵָ ִֵָ ....(־֮֬)....

SHRI V. NARAYANASAMY: Sir, kindly remove it from record. (Interruptions)

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: He himself has withdrawn it. (Interruptions)

ָ : ֯ ֟ ֮

ֳ֯ן :

ָ : ֯ ִ֮ ִֵָ , ֮֟ ׬ָ , ִ , ׮־ԓ֮ ֵ ׾ֿ , ִ , ֤ MPLADS ֮ ָ ָ ֮ ֟ ! ָ Caesar's wife must be above suspicion. (Interruptions) ָ ָ , ָ ֤ ָ ֕ , ־ ֵ , ן ֋, ׾ ֣, ã ֣ ֮ Ӳ֨ ׌ , ֵׯϵ ׌ , ֵ , ֵ օ ֕ ִ֟ ֵֵֻ , ™ ֛ ™ߵ ׬ӿ ָ ד ֵָ , ׌ ָ , ׮¯֟ ߤ ? ִֵָ , ֮֯ ֮֯ ׮־ֵ ֤֮֟ , ֻ ָ ֬ , ֣-֣ ־ֿ , ׸ֵ , ֺ ֤ ָ ׌ ֋, ָ 녠 ֯ 녠 ֮ ֋, ֮ ֤ , ָ ָ ֣ , ֮ , ׌ ֤ ָ ߮ ֋Ӆ ֲ , ֲ neutral , ׮ , detached , ו֮ attachment ֱ ֵ ֣ , ו֮ attachment ֱ ֮ ֣ , ָ ױ selective ָ office of profit օ ֱ ִ֕־֤ ֙ ֵ ֮֓ ׮ֻ ֋ office of profit ֮֓ ׻֋ ֤ ֮ ֮օ ֮֯ ӳ߸ ֻ ֵ , ӳ߸ ֻ ָ ӳ߸ , Ӿֿ߻֟ ֳ֯ן , ֯ , ֯ ֤ ֻ֮ , ײ֮ ִ ׻֋ ...(־֮֬)... ִ֣Ԯ ִ֣Ԯ ֣-֣ , ֕ ֯ , ֮ ֻ ִ ֋ , ֲ ֟ ֮ ֮ ֤ ָ attached ֮ ֵ ֣ detached ֮֕ן ֣ ׾µ ܵ ֵ֬߿ ֤ ָ, ܵ ־ ֵ㌟ ֤ ָ ֮ ֮ ߟ , ֟Դ֮ ׾µ ֮֕ן Ӳ֨ ֓, ֳ ׮֟ ֣, neutrality ֣ ӿ֮, ָ ֋ꅠ ֲ ֣ ֳ֯ן , ָ ױ ֮ ֣ ִֵָ ֬և ֮־֤ ֮֯ ָ פ, ׻֋ ֮־֤ ֮ ֟ ִ֯ , ֮־֤ (ִ֯)

SHRI MATILAL SARKAR (TRIPURA): Sir, I am not straightway going to give my opinion that I support it or that I oppose it. But I must thank my esteemed friend Narayanasamy because he has given me a good chance to speak on the current election scenario in the country.

{The Vice-Chairman (Shri Kalraj Mishra) in the Chair}

(Contd. by VKK/1R)

-YSR/VKK/1r/3.25

SHRI MATILAL SARKAR (CONTD.): First of all, I must mention that I happen to come from a State, Tripura, where polling is very high. In Tripura, on an average, polling is 80 per cent. Whether it is Panchayat elections or Assembly elections or Lok Sabha elections, 70 to 80 per cent is generally the percentage of voting in our State. In some cases, it exceeds 80 per cent and in some polling booths, it goes up to 95 per cent. So, I do not know why at that time, the question of compulsory voting will come. At least, for my State, I do not find necessity of any law like this.

Sir, while in my State, there is 80 per cent casting of votes, I see, in some other States, it is 50 or 60 per cent. Why? We must think as to why people are not attracted to come to the polling booths? What are the reasons that obstruct them from coming to the polling booth? What are those reasons? Why are they not interested in casting votes? Why the people do not find any relation between their life experience and the purpose of voting? Why the people are indifferent -- a section of people is indifferent -- in voting? If any person is indifferent in voting, then, can we compel him? Compulsion is another name of opposition to democracy. You cannot compel anybody to do what he does not like to do. So, we find out the reasons as to why a section of people in every election don't like to come to the polling booth. What are the reasons? Sir, there are reasons. A good number of people will ask: What is the use of voting? In manifesto, something will be written; polling will take place. But, when the Government is formed, we see that those promises are not fulfilled; nothing is done in our favour. So, that will make us frustrated. To speak of the youth, they have aspirations, but after the elections, when the Government is formed, in many cases, they find that something which deserves to be done for them, is not done. So, that is why, a section is frustrated and they are thinking that whether this Parliamentary democracy will serve our purpose. We see that sections of the youth, though maybe very small, have taken to arms. They are averse to Parliamentary democracy. We do not support them. But, our present system cannot compel them. They cannot come to the polling booth, though their names are there in the electoral rolls. They have gone far from our democracy and taken shelter in forests, jungles, caves and in such other places. We have failed to lure them to the polling booth. So, if we say voting is compulsory, do they care for this? We must go deep into the purpose of voting. (Contd. by RSS/1s)

RSS/1S/3.30/

SHRI MATILAL SARKAR (CONTD.)... whether our life is influenced by the election system or not. Other reasons are also there. We have bitter experience in this respect. When we say that in our State 80 per cent people take part in voting, there is other side of the coin also. There is sad experience also. What is our experience? I will let you know my experience. That is why I thanked my friend, Shri V. Narayanasamy, for bringing in this Bill. My experience is that not only in my State, but also all over the country, a good number of voters are influenced by the money power, a good number of voters are influenced by the muscle power. What we have seen in our State is that during some period-- I will not mention it, I am speaking of my experience-- to defeat a candidate, a lot of votes were declared invalid. Generally, what is the percentage of invalid votes? We have seen that in one case, a candidate got 4,000 votes, and out of those 4,000 votes, 3000 votes were declared invalid. The Election Commission is wise enough, honest enough to declare it. But there is a very little scope to go deep into this problem. When there are 100 votes or 200 votes, it is very difficult to declare them invalid. But here, 3000 votes were declared invalid. So, democracy is becoming a farce in some States. By merely compelling the voters, these vices cannot be wiped out. Theft, money power and black money are responsible for most of these vices, which are occurring in the form of rigging and how the election is rigged. We have a very bitter experience in this respect. In the previous election, our candidate won by 1,000 or 2,000 votes out of 18,000 to 19,000 votes. In the next election, he was defeated by more than 12,000 votes. Can you imagine that the election was rigged? People, who were going to cast their vote, they have been advised even in the door-to-door campaign: "Uncle don't go. Your voting purpose will be served by some other person. You please don't go." And if still they are going, the moment they enter the room of the Presiding Officer of the polling booth, the Presiding Officer inquires as to what his name is. He says: "My name is such and such." The Presiding Officer informs him that his vote has been cast. So, where is the compulsion to cast your vote? So, we must have better election reforms for which actually there are representations from different parties that election reforms should be made so that all these vices can be clearly pinpointed and rectified accordingly. About the second question, about the exit poll, I admit what my colleague, Dr.M.S. Gill, who is the most experienced person in the House here, has said. (contd. by 1t)

MKS-GS/3.35/1T

SHRI MATILAL SARKAR (CONTD.): Who is working in the Exit Poll? Speak of media; speak of the print media or the electronic media. Whatever they write in the Exit Poll influences the voters. Whoever is making his opinion or whoever is giving his opinion has got his own opinion, and his opinion will come in the form of Exit Poll. He can go to this corner and that corner. He may go to this corner, but he may not go to that corner, and if he takes an opinion from that corner, it will speak something else. By this, he will make an opinion and he will examine who is coming to power, who will be victorious, and all this will be put before the honest voters. This is put before the honest voters. So, 'Exit Polls' should not be there before the polling is over. This should be seriously taken note of. Exit Poll is making 'impossible' possible and 'possible' impossible. The mighty campaign power of socials is sufficient to befool the honest voters. Maybe, some flow of opinion will be spread throughout the State and the voter who is a supporter of such and such party or like this, will be lost in that. In that way, one can lose. That should be stopped.

Sir, the last thing I would like to mention is this. What about the course of delimitation? In our State, delimitation has been completed. But election is nearer. I don't think that delimitation is going to be completed in other States. Up till now, there was no such atmosphere. In one constituency there are about 60,000 voters and in another constituency there are only 25,000 voters. Dissimilarities and problems are there not in my State alone. I am speaking about the nation as a whole. The course of delimitation work is taken in hand, but it is not being carried on uptil now. And that has to be looked into. With these words, I conclude my speech, Sir. (Ends) (Followed by 1U)

-MKS-LP/3.35/1U

ֳ֬ ( ָ֕ ״) : ֮ ֻ ӛօ

֮ ֻ ӛ : ֳ֬ օ ..(־֮֬)..

֮֕ן ֤ : ֳ֬ , ִ օ

ֳ֬ : ִ ָ ׻ֵ ֵ ֯ ֤ ו֋օ

֮ ֻ ӛ (ײָ) : ֳ֬ , ײֻ ֮ ׻֋, ׾֬ ֮ ׻֋ . ִֵָ ִִ ֌ֆ ֬և ֪ׯ ־ ָ ֟ ֳ -ָָ ׾֬ , ־ ָ ׻֋ , ز֤ ָ , ָ ֯ ֮֟ ָ ִ֕ ָ ӟپָ ӟپָ , -־ã ӟپָ , ִ ־ã ӟپָ ֲ ־ , ֮ ֟ ׾ָ֓ ӟپָ , ӫ , ֵ֤ ָ֬ ָ ־ , ֲ ־ , ו֮֟ ӟپָ ӫ , ֳ ׌ֵ -ָ ֟ , ֛ ־ ϳ׾֟ ֟ߕ ִ֕ ֕ , ד֟ , ד֟ פ ֟ ׻ֵ ֟ , ֟ ׾ָ֯ߟ ϳ , ו ֣ כ , ו ֣ ϓָ ӡ , ו ֣ ֮ ӡ , ו ֣ ָ ׾֬֋ , ־ ָ ϟ ϳ׾֟ , ֤֮֟ ָ ӡ ׾֛֮ ִ֕ ד֟ , ֕ , ֤֮֟ ֻ֮ פ ֟ ׳֕֟ , ׾֬ ӯ֮ , ֻ֟ , ӡ ָ ֲ Ӳ , ӡ Ӳ , , ֲ ס ָ , ִ ָ ꌙ׮ ׸ ֟ ָ ߕ ׻֋ ׮¯ ־ ֺ ָ ӡ ָ ָ , ֲ ָ ָ ֮ - ןֻֻ ָָ ֻ ־ָ ֮ ־ָ ֟ , ֮ ־ָ , ֮ ׾ָ֓ ӟ֫Ԯ ו ִ֕ ָ , ϳ׾֟ ֮ ߤָ ו֮֟ , ָ ӡ ־֟ ֻ ӡ ߮ ֵԵ ֋ - ֚ ӡ, ޛ ӡ ֮ ӡօ ߮ ־ ߮ ׮¯ ־ ָ ֲָָ ־ ־ֻ ꌿ֮ ߿֮ ׮¯ ־ ..(־֮֬).. þ֟ӡ ־ ֳ ֮ ֟ , ֲ ֤ ׾ָ , ֤ ןָ ֋, , ָ߲ ֲ , ד֟ ן , ֕ , ֻ֮ ֋, ןָ , ׯϕև؛ ָ ן , ꌿ֮ ߿֮ ϴ ֡ ֋ ײֻ ׮¯ ֤֮֟ ֮ ־ã , ׻֋ ָֻ ꌿ֮ ִ ֟ և , ׾֬ ָ ꌿ֮ , ָֻ ߕ ׮֤֮ ֋օ ׾֢ ӡ ֛ , ֛ ֲ ֲֻ օ ֛, ֯ , ֛ , և, ֛ ׻֛ օ ꌿ֮ ׻֋ ׻֛ , ꌿ֮ , ꌿ֮ , ߱ , ֟ ־֮ , ֛ ׻֛ ֋օ ֛ פ , ֛ ꌿ֮ ߿֮ և ֛ ֮ ִ , ֬և , ֻ ָֻ ־ , Ӭֻ֕ ָ ֺ ֟ ֟ , ָ ֟ ָ ֚ ӡ, ޛ ӡ, ֮ ӡ ִ֯ , ָ ֟ ֮֯ ֮ ֛ פ , ־ ֮-֡ ֮ , ָֻ ו֋

(AKG/1W ָ ָ)

AKG/1W/3.45

֮ ֻ ӛ (֟) : ָ-ָ ֛ ֕ ָ ֤ ֻ ֋ , ֻ ֻ ֋ , ֻ֤ ֻ ֋ , ß֮ ֻ ֋ ֕ã֮ פ ׸ ׻֋ ֛և , ß֮ ֋ , ׸ ״ֻ , ֻ Compulsory ܵ և compulsory ־ ֳ , ֲ identity card , ֲ PAN Card ã֮ ָ compulsorily ִ օ ֤ ׸ ָ ևԅ ׸ ֛ ֻ֮ ֲ ִ ֛ ָ ֮ ֻ , Presiding Officer וÙ ־օ

, ָ ֲ ֯ ֟ ֵ֯׻ ׮¯ , Ӿ׮ ־ã ׮¯ , ֵ֯׻ ӡ ֱ֟ ׻֋ ֲ ֺ , ֵ֯׻ ֮ Ӿ , ֮ ӡ - ߴ ꆸ process , ֟ , ֕ ֮֟ , ֕ ָ , ֻ֟ ꌿ֮ ߿֮ Ӿ׮ ߚ ꌿ֮ ߿֮ free and fair election ֋ ׾֮֬ 㓔 324 , ִ ߮ ֟ և - superintendence, direction and control of elections. ִ ߮ ߕ ֣ ߕ ֳ ִ־ , ֲ ֯ Ӿ ָ ׮ֳԸ ߅ ֕ ױ Ӿ , ָ ׮ֳԸ ߅ Electoral reforms ֳ ֻ , ֳ , ֲ ֮ Ӿ , ֲ ߓ ָ ӡ ꅠ ׻י ֙ ֤ ׻י ֙ internal democracy ֮ secure , ִ ꌿ֮ ߿֮ ֮ interference , ֟ , , ׻י ֙ ִֵ ָ ־ , ־ã ׻י ֙ ־ , ־ ֓׸ ָ ߓ ָ ֮ Ӿ , compulsory ־ ־ã ׻֋ ׾֬ ֵ ֵ , ꌿ֮ ߿֮ ֤֟֟ ֮ , 6 ֯ ֋, 6 ֋֋ ֋, ״׮Ù ֋ ֟ ֻ ֲ ꌿ֮ ״֮֮ ׻֋ ֋ ׻Ù ִ ֲֵ ׻֋ responsible ? ־ã ֻ ָ ߅ ׻֋ ִֵָ compulsory ־ ׻֋ ׾֬ ֋ , ߕ compulsory ֣-֣, ӡ ׾־֮ ӡ ӡ ֟֟ , ׻֋ ֺ ֲ ָ ֛ , ֳ ִ ӡ , , ו ִ֬ ֤֟֟ֆ ָ ֤֮֟ ָָ ׮֟ , ִ וִָ ֮

֟, ןֻֻ ָָ ָ , ֟ ׿ , ֟ , ֜-׻ ן־֤ ו֮֟ ־֮ , Ѿ , ִ ֟-֟ ־֮ ֯֜ , ֮ ֟ ִ֟ ֲ ָ ָ֟ ו֮֟ ֜-׻ , וִ֮ ִ֮֟ ֟ , ֌ ָ ָ߲ , ִ ...

(1/ߋ ָ ֿ:)

SCH/1X/3.50

֮ ֻ ӛ (֟): ֲ ִ ִ֮֟ ֟ , ױ ӑ֙ ֲ ָ߲ ֜ ӑ֙ ֜ ֲֻ֟ ִ ꅠ ִ , ꅠ ֣ ִ , ִ ִ֮֟ և ӑ֙ ׮ֿ֮ ָ , ִ֮ ֵ , ϓָ ֟ , ָ ֟ ָ֟ ִ ϓָ , ꌿ֮ ָӤ , ֲ ִ ֕ ֨ӟ ֮ ֵ ־֮ ֮ ָ և ׿ ߕ , ֿ , Ӿ , ִ֟ ָ߲ ֻ֮ ָ߲ ֙ ֙ ו֮֟ ׿ , ֮֟ ߯ߋ ִ֣ , ֻ ӛ ֟ , ֲ ָ ֻ֮ ֟ ׻֋ ֺ ֟ ִ ӡ ׿ Ӆ ӡ ָ ӡ ָ ׿ ִ ꌿ֮ ߿֮ וִ ֲ ߕ ꌿ֮ ߿֮ וִ , ֳ ֙ әԻ ׮׿֟ ֋, ֋߅

׾֬ ִ֣Ԯ , ֣-֣ ֟ ָ , ֻ ֟ ֮ , ֻ ־ ߱ ꌿ֮ ״ָֿ ׌̙ ô ָ ןֲӬ ֮ יױ֮ ־ ָ ߕ ו , ִֻ ߴ ؛ ָָ ָ כ , ָ ִֵָ ߠ ꅠ ֻ ־ 48 ә ϓָ Ӥ , ܟ פ ֵ ֮ ֕ , ֮ ֕ ֻ ׾֮֬ ֳ ־ - ָ , 2004 2005 , ו ָ֡ , ָ״֙ , ִ פ ֵ, פ ֵօ ׻י ֙ ֤ ֲ ߱ ׸ڮ ױָ ֕ , ֛ , և ֻ ־ ֳ ׮¯ օ

֟ ֮ ֟ Ù ָ ־ , ֟ ־ ӓ ֕ ֟ ָ פ ֤ ָ ־ , כ ϓָ ֟ ֙ ߟ ֙ ָ ϟ ־ ϳ׾֟ , ָ ־ ׮¯֟ ֿ ϳ׾֟ : - ־ , ׌̙ ־ ־ ִ , ָ ֮ ןֲӬ ֮ ֕ ־ã֋ և ֮ , פ-פ ָ ־ָ ֮ ָ ꌿ֮ ߿֮ ֻ ֮ ָ ׌ ֮ ָ , ߬ ꌿ֮ ߿֮ ֋ ә Ӥ-Ӥ ꌿ֮ ߿֮ ָ ֮ ׮Ե ־ã כ ־ ׌ כ , ֳ ׮¯ ־ ֋

, ֟ , ײֻ ֻ ײ֮ ָ , ִ  ׸ ָ Ӿ ֟ ظ ֟ , , ֟ ֮֟ Ӿ ִ֕ ֲ ֲ ֤ ָ߲ , ̤֕ ֲ , ו֮ פ ̤֕ ֻ ֋ ֻ-֓ ׻֋ פ ֋, ׻֋ ꌿ֮ פ ִ ־ֿ

psv/1y ָ ָ

PSV-KS/1Y/3.55

֮ ֻ ӛ (֟): , ־ָ , ָ , և ו ׾ -- ֟ Ѭ 'þָ֕' '֕' '֕ ֻ ָ߲ ֛ ' ָ߲ ֛ ֕ ֳ ֟ , ֲ ꌿ֮ ִ ֟ ׸ ֻ ֻ֮ ֤ ֲ ֤ ֻ֮ , ֲ ִ ӓֵ֟ ִ֬ ׾֬ ײָ ׾֮֬ ֳ ִ֬ ָָ ֮, ׾֬ ֳ ִ֬ ׾֬ , ׾֬ ד֟ פ ֟ , ו ָ ׻ֵ ֟ ֮֟ ֻ֮ ֟ ִ ־ã ظ ֋, ֲ ӛ-ӡ, ֚-ӡ ֣ ֮-ӡ ӡ ã֮ , ֳ ׮¯ ־ օ ָֻ ־ ֮ ׾֬ ִ֣Ԯ ִֵָ - ֮־֤ ׾֬ ֵօ (ִ֯)

ֻ (֜): ֳ֬ , ֤ ֕ ֮֯ ָ פ , ׻֋ ֯ ֮־֤

, ֟ ׮־ֵԟ ֣ , ֵ֤ ֮-״ ֮ þ֟ӡ ֮ؓ֟ ֮ ׳־׌ ָ ֬֟ ֮ ֛ , ִ֕ ֮ ßָ , ִ ֟ ֮ ֤֮֟ ? ֕, ו ׻֋ ֤֮֟ ֮ , ֮-ֆ ֺ ֕ ? ׾ָ֓ ׾ֵ ו ֟ ׻֋ ֮֟ ֕ ãׯ֟ , ֟ ֕-֢ פ , פ ֟ ֟ ߤָ ֮? ֟ ׮־ֵԟ , ֟ ׾ָ֓ ־ֿ ֳ ֤֮֟ Ծ ֟ ֮, ׻֋ -׿ , ׻֋ ׻ֵ ׾֟ , ֟ ִ֮ ֟ , פ 60 ֤ ֤֮֟ ֮ ׻֋ ֬֟, ׮־ֵԟ, , ־ã , ֵ֤ ֮ ֮ ֮ ־֟ -

"֪ׯ ָ֓ן š: ֟ ֟ ָ ֮:

֟ ϴִ ß֤ ֟ԟ" (?)

֕-־ã ֻ ֮ ֯ ִ֕ ֛ 韾 ֻ ֮֟ , ָ֓ ִ֮ ֮µ ֟ ֕ ã֮ ָ ־ָ , ֕ ֢ ָ ִ֮֮ ִ֤ ? - ֯ , ...(־֮֬)...

֮ ֻ ӛ : 'և ׸' ֟ և ...(־֮֬)...

ֳ֬ ( ָ֕ ״): ֮ ו֋ ֯ ׻֋ ...(־֮֬)... , ֯ ׻֋

ֻ : 'և ׸' ָ ֵֿ֯ פ օ ...(־֮֬)... ֯ , ֻ֟ פ ? ֲ ֕-֢ ֮ ָ ִ֮ ֮֟ ֳ ׬ָ ׮ֻ״֟ ׮ָ ֿ֕ ֻ֮ .. (1/000 ָ ֿ:)

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