PREVIOUS HOUR

-NBR-USY/2n/2.00

SHRI JASWANT SINGH (CONTD.): The North Atlantic Treaty Organization is for the North Atlantic. I don't know how geography has got redefined that we see the NATO active, today, in Afghanistan. And, I am disturbed, Sir, that in the face of all this we are met really by a bewildering silence on the part of the Government, or, an immobility that is not becoming of India. There are five civil wars either existing or incipient. The internal situation in Pakistan is not hidden from anybody. Afghanistan is already in a state of civil war. Iran is being threatened daily by the United States of America in one fashion or another. And, it is only now, after months, that we found it possible for our Foreign Minister to visit Iran. Iraq is already in a state of civil war. The position of Palestine and Lebanon is also no better. I don't go to the Central Asia -- Bangladesh has a very difficult situation or what Nepal has gone through or what is happening in Sri Lanka. In the face of all this, what is marked by the conduct of the Government of India is completely bewildering immobility and a silence that really is a great disservice to the country. On the question of Pakistan -- I have to rush through what I have to say because I don't want to take all the time -- it appears that there are multiple policies; there are multiple voices; there are a variety of agents, backroom agents, frontroom agents. It is very difficult to make out as to what is happening, but what has happened and what is clearly in evidence, is the loss of strategic initiative. It was India that was determining the pace of events, the direction of events and what was to happen with regard to Pakistan; it is now Pakistan who, every now and then, comes up with a suggestion and all that the Government of India is doing is to react to what the President of Pakistan is voicing. This loss of strategic initiative is a very telling loss. I don't know whom to believe, whether I have to believe emissaries like the Mirwaiz, or, I have to believe the President of Pakistan because it is astonishing that in respect of the Ministries of Home and Defence and External Affairs, different voices emerge when it comes to Pakistan. Today, Sir, there is an intelligence meet that is taking place in Pakistan. The two Governments are coming together to share information, to determine how to work together on intelligence sharing. I find this very disturbing because how do you equate the perpetrator of a crime with the victim of a crime? I also found the timing of this announcement that we will share Intelligence very odd, to say the least. It has been preceded by the blasts of Bombay which had then had the hon. Prime Minister say that we will have nothing to do, we will not talk, and he goes to Havana, and suddenly, from there, a great leap is taken and the Prime Minister begins to say that Pakistan is also a victim of terrorism and we will talk about it. It is not a question of talking alone, Sir. Pakistan employs cross-border terrorism as an instrument of State policy against India. It has a two-faced approach to terrorism -- one face points to West as for the United States of America; one face points to East, for India. The United States of America, Negreponte or Vice-President, Cheney, or Condoleeza Rice they can all find fault with Pakistan; Canada finds fault; the United Kingdom finds fault, but the Prime Minister of India does not find fault; and says, "Pakistan is a victim of terrorism". If Pakistan denies all the charges that we feel are in their quarter, for which they are responsible, then, what intelligence will be shared with us?

(Contd. by 2o -- VP)

VP/2.05/2O

SHRI JASWANT SINGH (CONTD.): They continue to deny that they are not doing this, and that none of them is a perpetrator of any crime that is happening almost every fortnightly in India. And, yet, India goes and says, 'Okay, we will talk; we will exchange views on terrorism.' It is a very bewildering circumstance. It confuses us. And, how can we, therefore, act on the basis of partnership with Pakistan on terror when Pakistan, as a policy, has terrorism as a plank of State policy? So, the reality is that Pakistan has not been able to establish a viable, functional State. Its nationhood is based on that -- because this is an openly stated fact -- otherwise, there would not have been a claim made by Late Mohammed Ali Jinnah that Muslims are a separate nation and cut this land into two. On those grounds it was cut. Therefore, Pakistan's sole sustainability, survivability was on continuous, generated, constantly fed animosity to India. Late General Zia-ul-Haq had once said this. He shared this in a conversation. People said, 'Why do you keep doing this?' He said, "Look, it is very simple. If Turkey stops being Islamic, it will still be Turkey. If Egypt stops being Islamic, it will still be Egypt. But, if Pakistan stops being blatantly Islamic and anti-Indian, then, it will become India." Now, if that is the approach, then, what intelligence is the Government sharing? What intelligence will the Prime Minister, as he announced, now share with Pakistan so that we have a joint approach? I can understand the Prime Minister's nature persuades him to say that they are also victims of terrorism. But his responsibility is towards India, Sir. His responsibility is not towards Pakistan. And, if they are a victim of terrorism, then, they have to address themselves to that. Pakistan has sold its soul to the U.S.A. Even Faust would sell his soul once. Pakistan cannot continue to sell its soul. We have a problem here, and the best way to address this problem is to confront it foursquare.

Sir, I do not know whether I have time to talk about terrorism. I am sure, if very objectively I were to share the two great shackles of India, we do not have a real foreign policy, and we do not have settled boundaries. And, we do not have a relationship with our neighbourhood; any of our neighbourhood which we can call a stable, sound relationship. This is a great foreign policy failure; continued failure. I do not charge this or any other Government. The other failure, profound and extremely damaging is the absence of a sense of law and order within the country. How can you have a sense of law and order within the country if this is the arrangement of the Government that when it comes into office, the first thing it does, as its bounden duty, is to abolish POTA, which was a weapon to fight against terrorism? I do not know how you will deal with it. We have also dealt with it. When I was for some months in the Ministry of Defence, in an Army Commanders Conference, I was asked this question. "How do we deal, Sir, with terrorism? What do we tell our troops when confronted with the challenge of terrorism?" I have no difficulty in repeating here because that is the creed to which I belong to and which I believe in. There is only one answer. You have to instil in the country a spirit which will stand up against terrorism. If you cannot instil this in the country because your approach is governed by electoral advantage, then, it will not work. (Continued by PK/2P)

PK/GS/2P/2.10

SHRI JASWANT SINGH (CONTD.): Secondly, Sir, the approach has to be clear and categorical. The terrorist has to be terrorised. The whole approach to terrorism has to be different; otherwise, these two menaces will shackle us and will cripple the growth and potentials of India in the coming decade. I was very struck, Sir, that every time an incident takes place 60, 70 citizens get killed. The Prime Minister has talked phrases. He says, "My heart goes out". I don't know how many times the Prime Minister's heart has now gone out to all those who have died. These have become simply numbers now. So insensitised have we become that these are now just statistics. ֮ ָ ֋, ֮ ָ ֋

Thereafter, the Prime Minister finds it necessary to say that his Government is resolved. I think you are resolved only to be irresolute, and you are resolved only to confuse the country in this regard. "We will find the perpetrators of this dastardly crime."

( MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN in the Chair. )

When it becomes a competition of adjectives, paragraph two has 'cowardly', 'dastardly' and all that. And, when they run out of these adjectives, they go to paragraph 42, and it has a different description of what happened in Assam. Assam, Sir, was in insurgency; Indian insurgents acting against India. Please call a spade a spade. Therefore, one is left with an impression that your approach is of surrender. ָ, ֵօ ֮ , օ ָ ֤ כ ׾֪׮־ ״ ׾֮֫ ֤ , ݵ־ֿ , ֤ օ כ ֮ ݵ־ֿ ֛ ߛ ֵօ ֵ ׯ֔ פ, ֜ ״ֻօ ӿ ֜ ֟ ӿ Ӥٳ֟ , ֙ , , ӿ ׌ֵ כ ׻֟ 26 ֮־ָ ׬־֮ , פ ֟ , "26 ֮־ָ ׬־֮ ־ ֙ ָ þ֬߮֟ ֣֯ և ߅ ... ֲ þ֟ӡ ..... 26 ֮־ָ þ֬߮֟ פ ֛ ָ ׮֟ , ֹ ָ օ פ ןָ ֵ ֟ פ ֟ , ֲ ןָ ֟ օ" .. 26 ֮־ָ, 1942 ֲ֤ ׾׾ֵֻ֪ ӟ ִָ օ ןף ֌, ָ ֻ֟߮ ײי ־֮Ը ֯ן כ ָ֣ ֡ ׻ ִָ ֳ ã֟ , ֲ פ ֡ ӑ ־֮ ָ ֡ ןָ ֋Ӆ ױ כ ׻֟ , " ֛ , ָ ߟָ ׻֋ þ׳ִ֮ ֮ ֻ ׌ ׿™֯ ׻ פ ׾׾ֵֻ֪ ֡ ָ פ ֮ ־ ֻ߮֟ ֣ , ֮֯ ןף , ӟ ִָ ӟ ִָ օ ӟ ִ֮ כ ִ֤ ֻ־ߵ פօ , þã , ָ ֵ ֵօ - פօ (2 ָ ָ)

SC/2.15/2Q

־֮ (֟) : ָ ӟ ֡ ִ 26 ֮־ָ , օ ׌ֵ , þָ , ָ ָ ֣ ֮ -

"ֲ ״ֻ ־֕,

֮ ֮ ֕̅"

 

ֳ֯ן , ֕ ־֮, , ߛ ָ ֮ ֮ ֮ ֕ , ָ ֕ ? כ ׻֟ , ֤ ֌ , Ӥٳ֟ "þ֬߮֟ ׸֌֟ ֣-֣ ֿ ןפ ר פ և-և ֮֟ ֮֋ ֋, ָ օ ֵ֮, ™ן ׳ֳ š֮" - ֻ , כ - "™ן ׳ֳ š֮օ ׬ š֮ " 0 ׾֪׮־ ״ ׻֋ , "š֮ ׾׬ ִ֮ ִ š ֟ , ָ š֮ ָ ֟ , ֮ - ֡ ô ... ִ ֵ ֵ ֮-־ ֵ֮ ֟ , ֕ ֟ ֵ ֵ ָָ ָ ֵ֮ " ֕ ָ ׸ ֛ ָ þ֟ӡ ߾߆ևԯ , , ֆ, ָ ֟ - ֵ , ֵ ו ֮-־ ֲ , "ָָ š֮ "ևָ " ֵ " - ׮֤֮ ֲ , ֲ ֵ? כ ָ , Ͽ , Ͽ " ָ ָ ׾ֿ֮, ׾֬, ֯֟ ֲ þօ þ ô օ ֻ ׌ ׻֤֮ ָ ֜ , - þ֬߮֟ : ֳ ָ י " ֛ ֟ "ָ י ӓ ֮ ָ ן ָ֯, ָ ߓ , ֕ ֻ , ֻ ֟" ׻֋ Ͽ , š֮ ָ ָ, " ߓ ָؓ ד֟ þ׳ִ֮ ֬֋? ֕ , "Ӧֵ ֵ þօ" פ Ӧ ֮ ߓ ָ Ӧ ֣ ô ֋օ ֕ ӓ ָ ?" , כ Ͽ " ֕ ݵֻ ãָ ? ן, , ѓ-ߓ, Ӿ- ֵ ״ֻ ׻֋ ׮ִӡ ֡? ә, ֜, ? þ֟ӡ , ֟ , ־ ֯ ?" ֕ ױ ״ֵ֟ ֤ ? þ0 ָ߬ ㌻ ֯, ־֣ -

"֕ և ֮,

ֲ ֲ ,

ָ ָ ָָ ֲָָ ,

ױ ֮ և?"

(2ָ ָ ֿ:)

MP-SKC/2R/2.20

־֮ (֟) : ָӡ֟ ָ ֮ ֵּ֬ ֮ ׾֤ ָָ ֮ ӕ-ӕ ֮ פ ՟ õ ןָ ꅠ ־֓ և õ ָ ֮ և ֣֯ פև ֟ ֮ ׾֤׿ֵ ֮ ֵ ֮ פ ֕ ֵ֟ ױ ? ֕ ִ֮ ׸ ׾֤׿ֵ ִ֮ ֵ ? ָָ ִ֮ ֵ , ֤֟ ׸ ֵ , ָ ֮ ָָ ֵ ֵ֟ ָ ߸ ׻֋ ױ ֟ ? ӓ֮- ָ ֛ ֛ ִ֮֬ ֹ ד֡, ֻ-ד֡ פ֮ ִ֮֬ ֳ ֻ֮ ֻ 韵-ߟ ״ֻ? ִ֮֬ ָָ ֮ Ͽ ֻ Ͽ , ֯և ֻ , ֛ , ִ֡ , ָ ֟ ֲ ֛ Ͽ Ͽ ֮ ֻ ? ֕ ϿԆ և ? Ͽ , ׳ֳ ׻֋ ߛ ׸ ָ Ϭ֮ ӡ ָ ֟ ֵ ן - -

"ֻ֮֟ ִֻ,

פ ִֻօ"

ֵ ֕ ָ ״ ָ, ֋, և ֛ -

" ֤֮

ָ֤ ָ ִ "

֮־֤ (ִ֯)

ָ֮ ״ (ָ Ϥ) : ֳ֯ן , ָ ֙ ִֵ ֮֯ פ , ִ ִֵ ָ ָ ׻֋, ֤ օ ß־ . , ã֟ , ָ ֮ ָ פօ ׯ֔ ֟Բ ß־ ֮־֤ , ™ן ֤ Ϭ֮ ӡ , ֯ ֮־֤ פօ ֮ ߮ ֤״ֵ ֣ ֮־֤ ß־ , - פ ֟ ָ ֟ ֵ , ׻֋ ָ߱ ֬և ֮־֤ ß־ , ִ ָ ֟ ֤ ֮־֤ ֻ ֮ ߱ ״׮Ù ֵ, ־֮Ը ֵօ ָ . ֮־֤ ß־ , ֻܵ ָ ™ן ֋ ֻ ָ פ ָ ꅠ ֮ ....(־֮֬)....

SHRI R.K. DHAWAN: Are you supporting him?

ָ֮ ״ : ֮ ָ ָ ™ן ֤ ׻֋ ߤָ , ָ ׻֋ ֵ " ز֤ ֛, ӵօ" ֛ ׿ ־ֻ ֵ ֮֯ are you supporting it, ֲ օ (2 /֯ ָ ֿ:)

LP/2.25/2s

ָ֮ ״ (֟) : ֛ ֋ , օ ™ ׻֋ օ ִ ָ ִ֮ ָ ß־ ֋ ֮־ָ Ӭ ָ ™ן פ , ָ ֤ ִ֮ פ, ָ ӡ פ ׾֢ ӡ פօ ֣ ָ ׯֵ פ ֮ ֯ , ָ ֮֟ ֻ ֮ ֯ ֳ ֳ ָ ֻ ֻ ײֻ פ ֮ ֵ ֲ ֲָ ֻ ֵ ֲ ׾֤ ӛ ׻ֵ ֵ - Ӥ ׮ֻ , - Ӥ ׮ֻ օ և , ִ֤ ߅ և ӛ , ֵ ߅ ָ߱ ֤ , ֵ ֬ ֮ ׻֋ ׮ֻ֟ , ֻ֟-ׯֻ֟ , ֤֕ ָ ߮ ׻֋ ֵ ֓ ߮ ׻֋ ֱ Ӥ ֤ , ֬ ֵ ֓ ׻֋ ָ־ ׻֋ ֲ ָ ӡ ֛ ֌ ֛ ֋ ֮ Ӥ-Ӥ ׮ֻ ֤־֮ ֯, ֦ ֻ ֟ , ײָ ֟ ֮ ֛ ֛ , ײָ ָ ׻֋ ֟פ ֟ ו֋ ֓ ֻ֛ כ - ֤ , ִ , ֓ ֟ ָ ָ ֛ , ָ ָ ֛ ײֻ , Ӧ , , ָ , Ù , ֲ-ֲ ӓ ֻ כ , ֙ , ײֻ ֲ օ ֲ Ӥ-Ӥ ֮ ֟ , ֲ ָ ֲ ׻֋, ֋ ׻֋ ֮ דָ֤ ֮ ָ ֕ ֻ פ ָ ָ ָ ֛ ֻ ֙, ֻ ֻ þפ™ ֟ օ ֮ - , ֮֟ ֻ ־ և ֚ ֋ ֕ ԅ ָ ָ ָ ֟ ֻ ֟ , ֕ ԅ Ӿ ֮ , , ֕ ֯ ֵ֤ ָָ ֕ ԅ ֵ֤ ָָ פ ׻֋ כֻ ֻ ֵօ 2002 2003 ֮ օ ָ օ ָָ ֵ ִ כֻ ֻ , ִ ֻ և, ֵ, ֻ ֋, ֳ ֵ ֟ ִ֮ ִ ֮ ֻ ֯ և ָ ؓן֟ ֮ ֮֋ ֮, ו ֲ-ֲ , ֵ֤ ָָ ֲ-ֲ , ׻֋ ֯ ֮ וִָ - ֯ ֲֻ֟ ָָ ֮ וִָ ֮߅

(NB/2t ָ ָ)

KSK/NB/2T/2.30

ָ֮ ״ (֟) : ָ ֮ Ϭִ֮ӡ և ֲֻ ֲ ӳ߸ , ֲ ֵ֤ ָָ ֵ֤ ֻ ֟ ֵ , ׻֋ 55 ֋ ֕ 35 ֋ ָ և ָ ָ ֻ , דָ֤ ֕֙ þ߸ ָ ָ ָ Ϥ - ֻ֓ Ϥ, ߮ ֻ ָ ֤֕ ִֵ ָ ֵ - "ִָ֟ ֵ", ֯ "ִָ֟ ֵ" ״ּ ֮֟ , ָ ָ , ֮ ֣ ֋, ? ֯ ָָ ֻ , ֮֯ ָ ֮ ָ֕ ? ֮֯ ֻ דֽ ׻ ֤ ֲ ׮־֙ ֋ , ֋-֋ , 1962 ֛և , ָ ֛և פ ֤ ֤ ß־ , ָ ־֮ ֵ -

"The House affirms the firm resolve of Indian people to drive out the aggressor from the sacred soil of India, howsoever long and hard the struggle may be."

և ß־ , ֕ ֮ ֤ , 1962 ß־ ָ , ӡ ֮֓ , ָ ֮֓ օ ֮ פ ָ "Howsoever hard and long the struggle may be" - ֵ ֌, ֯ ֮֮ ֯ ߮ ָ ֻ , ֛ ֮֯ Ù ?

ֳ֯ן , Ӭ ™ׯ֟ , Ӭ ֓ ׸, ָ ֮ ֻ֟ ׸, Ӭ ִ֤ ׿ֿ ָ֮ ֯ ָ ִ֤ - ֲָ , ָ և ֮ ו ֯ , ֕ ִ֤ , ֮ ו , ֕ , ָ ӛ ֻ , Ϭִ֮ӡ , ֋? ֯ ׾ִ֮ ׮־ ֮ ô֟ ? ™ׯ֟ ִ׮֟ , ִָ֟ ִ׮֟ ָ ֋, ײ֮ ֻ ״ֻ, þ߸ ֯ ֮ פ ֺ ײ֛ þ߸

ֳ֯ן , ֵ֟ ֵ 9 ׾ ן , ™ן ֮ ׳ֳ , ֟ ֕ ֕, ֟ ֻ ֵ , ֮ ֵ, ״ֻ ֵ, ֜ ֋ , ׾ ן 9 և , ׾ ן әָ ? ß֮ 30 ֋ , ֟ ֤ ײ֮ ֻ֯ ֻ , 40-50 , Ù ֻ֯ , 25-30 ָ ֻ և , ֮ ֛ ֟ , ָ ֮ ֻ ײ֔ 9 ׾ և? әָ , ׮ָ֮ ? ֯ ׾֢ ӡֵֻ ֮ ׮ָ֮ ? ָ ֓ և , ֓ ֓ ֕ ָ ָ߲ ֜ և , ָ כ ־ ֻ ִ֕־֤, ß֮ ә ? 2U/AKG ָ ֿ:

AKG-GSP/2U/2.35

ָ֮ ״ (֟) : ֲ ָ߲ , ִֵ ָ . ָ߲ ֲָָ-ֲָָ љ ꅠ ָ߲ љָ ֯ 9 פ , ֓ פ ָ љָ ֲָָ-ֲָָ , ׿ ֟ 50 ֤ 99 ָ߲ ֤ ꅠ ֮ Դ֮ љָ

ָ, ֕֙ ? ֕֙ ִ ֮ , ֮ ֟ , ֟ , ִ ֟ , ֮, ֯ , ֤ ֮ ֟ , ֟ ֮ ֤ ָ֮ ֟ , ֕֙ ֟ ֻ ָ ֯ ֛ ָߤ , և ָߤ , ָߤ , ִ ֮ ֯ ֮֕ ֻ ָ ָ֟ ָ֟ ֛ ָ ֤ ֋ ָ߲ ָ Ѥ ֛, ֻ ֛ ֟ ן ׮ִֵ ׯֻ ֲֻ ָ ָ ן ׮ִֵ ִ ִ ֟ , ֲ 60 ֮ ִ ֻ ֟ , ֮ ֋, ו פ ִ ֋, פ ׮ֵ ϻֵ ֻ֟ ֻ ֋, ׻֋ ֓֯ ֮ ֮ ֯  ֕ ߮ ֮ ״ֻ ߮ ֮ ו֋, ֲ֤ ֲ֤ ִ ָ ֟ , -ִ ִ ָ ָ֟ ߮ ֓֟ ֮ ֻ ֵ פ ֮ ֋ ָ Ϥ ֤ , ß֮ ֤ ֮ ֻ ֵ ֻ ӟִ֕ , ֻ ӟִ֕ , ֳ֯ן , ֮ Ӥ օ ֮ ֕֟ , ָ ִ߮ ָ ָ ִ߮ ߓ , ֮ פ ֤ ֟ ִ߮ ֋ ָ ֯ ֕֙ ֮ , ֯ ֮ ֟

ָ ֯ ֛ ֮֮ 녠 ל-ל ֛, 4 ֛, 4 ߙ ָ ֻ ֛ ִ ֮ ֵ ֟ ӕ׮ֵָ , ֮ ָ , , ֮֯ ß֮ ָ߲ ֤, ו ָ ֛ , ׻֋ ֮ ֓ ֛ ָ ֓ ֤ ָ߲ ֛ ָ ֓ , ָ ֕֙ , ֳ֯ן , љָ ֮ ֋օ

֯ ֛ ֻ ׾֤ ֮ ָ , ֻ ֻ֟ , ֮֯ פօ ߤ ֮ ֮ ֓ ֋, ꅠ - ָ™ ָָ ֮ ֮֓ ׻֋ ֮ ֮֕ ֵ פօ ָ ײ ׻י֮ ֵָ פ և ֵ, ָ™ ָָ affidavit פ ָָ ֮ , ֵ , ׻֋ ָ ֤ ֙ ֲ ֮ ֮֓ ׻֋ , ֮ פ ? ֵ֮ և פ ֵ և ֻ ֵօ ֮ ו֮ ֮֓ ׻֋ ֤ ֯ ׽ ֮ ߸-߸ , ֟ ֮ օ ָָ ֲ affidavit פ, ֻ ԅ , ָ ... (־֮֬) ...

THE PRIME MINISTER (DR. MANMOHAN SINGH): Mr. Deputy Chairman, Sir, I have great regard and respect for hon. Janeshwar Mishraji. The statement that he has made is not based on facts. The Maharashtra Government has written to me that they have corrected what they had stated in the affidavit. It is not true that the Central Government has not delivered what was promised to the Government of Maharashtra. And, I state with full responsibility, I have a letter from the Chief Minister. The Chief Secretary has also confirmed that this was a mistake which they have corrected. (Contd. by 2w)

2W/HMS-SK/2.40

ָ֮ ״ : ֳ֯ן , ָָ ߓ ָ֡֓ ֟ ֲָ ֜, ֵ ֮֋ ָ ܵ ӡ ֮ ߛ׾֙ ֮ ֟ ָ ׻ֵ ֙ ָ ִֻ ָ ֤ , ֟ ָ ׽ , ֮ ֌ ֲֻ ֮ פ , פ ֮֟ ֌ ֲֻ ׻֋ ׽ ֮ , ֤ פ ֮֟ , ֮ օ

, ֟ ֮ ֻ֟ , ֵ ֱ ֻ֟ ָ ֵ֤ , ָ ֻ-߮ ֻ ֵ , ָ ָ ֮ ֻӛ ֮ ִָ ׿ָ þ߸ ֮ ֕֙ ־֕ ֋? , ׻ ß ־֕ ß֮ ֮֕ ֮ ִ ָ ֤ ָ פֵ ֤ؕ ֓ ֋? ӟִ֕ ָ ׻֋ ֲ ֺ ֮ ֤ؕ Ӳָ ָ ָ ָ ָ֟ ֟ פ ֮ ֤ؕ ָ֟ ֟ פօ ֯ ָָ ֻ֟ -և ֻ ֋, ֯ ָ ? ֯ ִ֣ ָ ָָ ֻ ?

, ֮ ֕֙ ֜ ָ ֪֮ ָ ֤ ׯ֔ ֻ ֲֻ և ֵ֙ ֵ -ײֻ ֪֮ ׻֋ ֵ֙ ֵ ֯ ֜ ו֋ ײֻ ֤ؕ ָ ֤ؕ ߴ֟ ֓ פ Ӥ , ֛ , ֤ ֵ֙ ֟ ָ ֪֮ ֤ և ֵ֙ ֟ ֮ ָ , ׾֯ ָ ׻ ֯ ָ -ײֻ ֋ ? ֯ ֙ , ? ֯ ӡ ֋ ӡ ִ օ , ֲָ ֜ ו פ ָ ֮ ֿ֮ ״ֻ֟ -ײֻ ֆ þפ™ ֮ ֲָ ֜ ֲָ , ֋ ӡ ָ ״֡ , ӡ ָ ֟ ߅ ײֻ ֤ ֮֟ , ׻֋ ִ օ ָ ֺ ֛ ֛ , ֓ ו֋ , ִ , օ

, ׸껵֮ օ Ϭ֮ ӡ , ֯ ֤ ו֋ ֤ ֛ ָ ׮օ ֣ ֮ ߅(2 /ߋ־ ָ ֿ:)

PSV-YSR/2X/2.45

ָ֮ ״ (֟): ֮ ֲ דֻ , ֲ ֮ , , օ ֲ ֮ ײ , ֮ ָ ן և, ו֮ ׮ֵ Ӥ פօ Equality, Liberty Fraternity ן ֕ ߕ ו פ ײֻ ֻ ֿ֮ ֮ -- ß֮ ֲ ֻ , ߸ ֻ , ֤Կ , ו פ ֛, פ ׻֋ ֯ ָ ֮ ֟ ִ ֮֟ - ֛ ֛օ - ֛ ֛օ - ָ - ֛ ˸- ֮ ִ , ֮ ֻ-֓ ֜֋ ֛ ָ ָ ֓֋? ֤ ָ ֤ ӟ , ָ ֤ ָ ֮ , ֯ ֮ ֵ֮ ô ָ ֟ ֯ ֮ ӡ , ֋ ӡ , ֻ ו֋ ֮ ֋ ֻ ֻ ֵ ֲ ֋-֋ ӡ , ֲ ָ և ֮ ֟ -֙ , ֵ ...(־֮֬)... ֵ ֟ ֟ -֙ ֮օ ָ ײ׻ֵ֟ פ֮ ֺ և ֺ ָ ״֡ , ָ ײֻ ֮, ߅ ֯ ߴ ײֻ ֤ ֮օ ֮ ו֋ ׾ָ , ֛ ו֮֟ ֕ ֋, ָ ֯ ߴ ֲ , ֛ ֕ ֋օ ׻֋ Ϭ֮ ӡ ֺ և ֟ ֮ ֋ ֻ

ֻ, ֲֻ֟ ׾ֵ ָ ֵ, ָ ִֵ ָ, 10-12 ״֮֙ ֋ ו֋օ ...(־֮֬)...

ָ : , ֯ ׻֋ ...(־֮֬)...

ֳ֯ן : ֯ ִֵ ִֵ ֯ ֻ ...(־֮֬)...

ָ֮ ״ : և ֻ ֟ ֟ օ ׮־

ß֮ Ӭ ֟ Ѭ ֮ ְָ ֮, ָ Ӭ, ו֮ ָ֓, ו֮ , ו֮ -, ו֮ ֮ ו֮ ֮-֮ ֨ӟ , օ Ӧ ָ֓ ֻ օ ־ ֻ ָ֓ כֵָ ߅ 1962 ß־ ׻ ֵ - "The House affirms the firm desire and resolve of the Indian people." ָ Ϭ֮ ӡ ֱ ׻֟ , "The House affirms the determination of the Indian people."

ֲ ֌ ß־ ֮ ֤ ֵ ָ ֤ ֵ , ֲ resolve ׻ פ, ֳ ִ ֋ ֓ פ ׮־֙ ־ ֻ ֛ ֟ ׾֮֫ ֛ ֲ֤ ָ ֌ ֜ ֤ ֮ ֮ ׻ֵ ֜-֜ ֮ ָ ָ ֯ ־ֲ ֛օ ־ֲ և ֛ ֲָָ, ָ ָ ֻ֟ ׮ և, ֋߅ ָ ֻ

ָ, ֮֟ ֮ ֋, ׮־ Gandhi Peace Foundation , ָ Ӭ Peace Foundation ָ Ӭ ִ ָ peace ֻօ Ӭ ִ ָ peace ֻ, ָ Ӭ ִ ָ unity ֻ߅ (2և/000 ָ ֿ:)

2Y/klg/2.50

ָ֮ ״ (֟) : ָ Ӭ , ָ ָ և , ָ ֛ ֓֟ , ֲ ָ֋ ִ , ָ֋ Ӭ ָ ֻ, ָ ûִ ֮ ְָ ֮ ָ ֻօ ֻ ™ ָ , ָ ׮ֵ ָ ׾ָ֓ פ ׮֟, ָ פ ֜ ֟ ָ ׸껵֮ ָ ׮ , ָ ׻ֲ֙ ָ ֻ ׻ֵ, ֻ ׻ֵ, ׌׻֙ ֻ ׻ֵ ֌ ׸ ׌׻֙ ֮ ևԅ ִ Ӭ ׻ֵ Ӭ Ӥ֮ ֚ ׮, ָ ׮ֵ ָ ָ ֋ ָ ևÙ߮ ִ, ָ ָ Ӭ ףֵָ ֜, ֮֟, , Ϭִ֮ӡ , ֮ ְָ ֮ ִ ָ ׮י ֛ ֯ ֮֋, ֮ ׻ ֻ , - ׿ָ , - ϳ׾֟

ָ ֟, ֳ֯ן , ֻ ֓-֮ ֙֟ , כ Ӭ , ־ ֻ , ֵ ֿ , ֙ , , ָ֮ ֤֕ , ֟ ֯ ֙ ? ֲ ֓ ֋, ִ , , ֲ ֤ ֮ ֻ ߕ

ӟ , , Ϭִ֮ӡ ֮ ָ Ϥ ָ ֯ ֮ ֟ֆ? ֮ ֤߲ ִܵӡ , ֮ ߮ ֻ ֮ ֮ 괲ֻ 14 ָ ӱߛ -ӱߛ ָ ֮ ֟ֆ? ֮ ? , ߲߆ևԅ ֮֟ ߲߆և þ֟ӡ ã , ֲ ֡ , ֲ ָӛ ֻ ֵ, ֤ ֮ ֟ ֻ֟ ã ֯ ֮֟ ָָ, ו֮ פ ֮֟ ֻ֟ , ֻ ӱߛ ׻ֵ , ֯ Ӿ֛ ? ֯ ִ Ϥ ֮֟, ֮֟ ֟ ? ֯ ־֮Ը ֋, ? ׮־֙, ָ֮ ֋ ֜ , -֓ , ׳ִ ֛ ֤օ ־֮Ը ֻ ֟ ׻֋ ִֵ ֵ ָ Ϥ ־֮Ը օ ָָ ׬ָ , ׻ ׾ֳ ִ - ֟ ֮ ָ ֮֯ 15 פ ֵ֮ ™ן ֮ , ֮ ֻ ֵ, ߓ ֯ ֵ ֯ ָ ֻ ֵּ֓, ָ, , ՛ߕ, ָ ֻ, ָ ֤, ָ ֺ , ... 2/ߋ ָ

SCH/RSS/2Z/2.55

ָ֮ ״ (֟): ָ ֵ ׻֟, ָ ֲ֮ ֵ֛, ָ ־߮ ֵ֙ ָ ןֿ ָ ֲ ֣ ֲ ־֕ , ֲ ֮ ™ן ֮ ִ ָ ֋օ ִ֯ ֲָ 356 ָ ֬ ִֵ ֣ ֵ օ ֯ ֲ ֯ ָ ֓և, ָ ֌ ָ ו֋ ֯ Ӥ ָ ִע ӓ ֮ ִֵ ָ ִע ָ ֮֟ , ֲ ֓ , ֲ ָ ֟-֟ ָ ֯ ֟ , ߲߆և ...(־֮֬)

. ϳ : ֲ ױ ֟ ?

ֳ֯ן: ֯ ֮ ו֋

ָ֮ ״: ߲߆և , ֲ ֻ ֤ ...(־֮֬) ֯ ו֋ ...(־֮֬) ֲ ֻ ֤ ָ ӓ և ֟ ! 90 օ ߲߆և ֟ , ֵ ֮֜ ׻֋ ߲߆և - , ֮֟ , ׻֋ ߲߆և , ֯ ֮ ֤ߵ ״ן ו֋, ׵ ӓ ו֋, ָ ֟ ֻ և ֋օ

ֳ֬ (. ..׸֮) ߚ߮

֕ ߲߆և ֯ , ָ ָ ֯ ߔ ׿ ֋߅ ֯ ֮־֤ ֮ ֟ ִ֯ - ֮־֤ (ִ֯)

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P.J. KURIEN): Now, Shri Sitaram Yechury.

SHRI SITARAM YECHURY (WEST BENGAL): Thank you very much, Sir. I rise here to broadly support the President's Address given by the President of India, but with a very serious caveat. I think, the Address, which is customary Address of his Government, and what the Government has done, and what it intends to do in the coming year, has a very serious omission in our opinion, which actually undercuts the very basis which led to the formation of the UPA Government, and this omission is both, a dangerous omission and a significant omission, and this refers to the communal situation in our country. The last few months have seen the outbreak of communal violence in various parts of the country, and parts of the country, which hitherto have not been plagued by such communal violence. I refer to the various cities in the State of Karnataka which have suddenly seen the outbreak of this communal violence. We have seen this violence being reported from various parts of Madhya Pradesh. We have seen the recent violent clashes that have taken place in various important cities of Uttar Pradesh, and all this is happening not sporadically, but, we believe, it is happening on the basis of a certain political planning, which is a dangerous situation that is emerging in this country, and not recognising this or ignoring this reality, will pose a very grave danger to this Government, and this Government will suffer not only for the Government's sake, but also for the sake of the people and for the sake of the country. Why I am saying this is because there is a concerted effort to try and whip up communal passions and communal polarization as the means or method for garnering political support or regaining certain political space. The very formation of this UPA Government was based on this fact that the country needed to be protected from such an assault, and there is a need to actually preserve and strengthen our secular, democratic foundation, and that is why, the UPA was born. This is the ground reality which I would request the Government and the Ruling Coalition also to consider. There was a time when the leading political party at that point of time won only 195 seats under the leadership of late Shri Rajiv Gandhi, but did not stake a claim to form the Government. Even if they had done, they would not have mustered the majority. But today, with only 145 MPs, they are leading a Coalition that we are supporting from the outside, and that is the ground reality, a shift, that must be understood. People who have opposed the Congress, continue to oppose the Congress, continue to fight against them and win elections, like in Bengal or Kerala, but are willing to support this Coalition because we want to preserve the secular, democratic character of India...

(contd. by 3a)

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