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RSS/3H/4.00

DR. P.C. ALEXANDER (CONTD.): And instead, it has been presented to the House with their own decision, without being backed up by that. They are not like that. These committees are very important. I am speaking with some knowledge of these facts, Sir, and therefore, you take if from me, and I appeal to you, and through you to the House, that we should not compare our country with the United States of America. We have to take this thing very seriously. The Congress will not let the President to depart very much from what has been already decided by the Congress itself. So, I have my fears on these three particular issues. What will happen to the enormous expenditure that we may have to incur? Reactors will cost about 2 billion per piece, and we spend so many billions, and we bring the reactors, and suddenly, they find the reason not to give us the nuclear fuel. What will happen? All the assurances of the Prime Minister were that their law will take care of that situation or the agreement will take care of that situation. But this document just speaks of the opposite. Similarly, under the various obligations, the foreign policy of the country with our neighbouring countries like Iran, will have to be incongruous with that of the Americans. Their interests are different. They are staking the geo-political situation. Their stakes are different from our stakes. Therefore, we have to take a firm stand in these matters, and my appeal to the Prime Minister is, we stand by you, we stood by you when you presented the case; we believed you firmly when you made those three statements, and we will back you fully if you tell the Americans, '+

well, if you agree with these points, which I hold very important for my country, I go in for 123 agreements; if you do not, I am not going to ask my Parliament and my nation to accept it.' That is the way of getting out of it. Thank you. (Ends)

SHRI M.V. MYSURA REDDY (ANDHRA PRADESH): Thank you, Sir. Yesterday, President George Bush has signed the Hyde Act. It may be a cause of distress to somebody, delight to somebody. All stages are over except negotiations on 123 agreements. But the Act has so many deterrent clauses. All these things were clearly discussed by our senior colleagues like Shri Arun Shourie and Shri Sitaram Yechury. So, there is no need of repeating all these things. Sir, I am associating myself with them and with their concern. But, at this stage, the Prime Minister yesterday made a statement. "The US for its part has assured us that the legislation, as passed by the US Congress, will enable to fulfill all its commitments, vis-a-vis, the July 18th Joint Statement and March 2nd Separation Plans."

Sir, knowing this that the US President is not having a sweeping power to overcome this legislation, the US Administration has presented its legislation by a different route which lays more stress on the role for the President to negotiate with India. I will quote the Joint Explanatory Statement of the Conference Committee. " Both the Houses International Relations Committee and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee rejected this approach believing that the administrative proposal did not provide for an appropriate Congressional oversight over that by any measure, an unprecedented nuclear cooperative relationship with India...

(Contd. by 3j)

-RSS-TMV-GS/3J/4.05

SHRI M. V. MYSURA REDDY (CONTD.): "Both the Committees were troubled by lack of consultation by the administration with the Congress before July 18, 2005 Joint Statement and March, 2, 2006 statement of Indo-US declaration". This is from Congress Committee's Report, on page H8942, para 7.

There is one more thing. If the US administration is capable of going beyond the Hyde Act, I want to bring to your notice as to why Condoleezza Rice persuaded Senator Richard Lugar to change the gravity or modifications of the contentious issues which we raised in this august House regarding sequencing, termination clause and fallback safeguards.

I would like to state that the deterrent conditions were known to India beforehand also. I am substantiating my statement by quoting a portion of the testimony of Mr. John Rood, Assistant Secretary of State for International Security and Non-proliferation, before the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee. I quote from his transcript. It was made on 2nd August. Richard Lugar queried:

" Did New Delhi not understand United States policy, which you have enunciated again this morning? If they did understand the policy, please give us your opinion on why they opposed placing the prohibition into law, but can accept the existence of the policy".

To this Mr. Rood replied:

" The Indian Government had been clearly told beforehand that the US will not supply these technologies, the administration preferred this ban to remain in place at the policy rather than statutory level. Incorporating that ban in the enabling legislation, according to Mr. Rood, 'singles India out'.

We look forward to civil nuclear cooperation with India, but we have told the Indian Government we don't envision that cooperation involving enrichment and reprocessing technologies or the technology for the production of heavy water.

We would prefer to maintain this practice as a matter of policy as opposed to a matter of law".

This is Mr. Rood's statement. It means that the Government had misled the House, knowingly or unknowingly. But I wouldn't say deliberately. If it is known to India beforehand, the Parliament might have been taken into confidence by the Prime Minister. But after the Act was passed some representatives of Democrats and Republicans might have hailed this Act. The Under Secretary, Mr. Nicholas Burns, might have given hyperbolic statement that it is a historical act, as a liberation act for India. The US President has also given topmost importance to signing this Act. All these things give a small relief to the negotiators to have some changes in the nomenclature or to have some tinkering mechanism, and nothing more than that. Nothing is left. Only a little bit is left. No room is left for these people for negotiations. All these are done. This entire episode reminds me of a small story which I read during my childhood. It is like a jackal inviting a crane and serving him delicious payasam or kheer, whatever it be, in a silver plate.

(Contd. by VK/3K)

VK-SC/3K/4.10

SHRI M.V. MYSURA REDDY (CONTD): But the crane could not eat it. All these things appear to be like that. My friend mentioned Section 102 of the Conference Report, the Sense of the Congress. I would like to bring to your notice the Sense of the Congress. Section 102 says, "The country has demonstrated responsible behaviour with respect to the non-proliferation of technology related to nuclear weapons and the means to deliver them. The country has a functioning and uninterrupted democratic system of Government, has a foreign policy that is congruent to that of the United States, and is working with the United States on key foreign policy initiatives related to non-proliferation. Such cooperation induces the country to promulgate and implement substantially improved protections against the proliferation of technology related to nuclear weapons and the means to deliver them and to refrain from actions that would further the development of its nuclear weapons programme. Such cooperation will induce the country to give greater political and material support to the achievement of the United States global and regional non-proliferation objectives, especially with respect to dissuading, isolating, and if necessary, sanctioning and containing States that sponsor terrorism and terrorist groups that are seeking to acquire a nuclear weapons capability or other weapons of mass destruction capability and the means to deliver such weapons." This is a good conduct certificate given under Section 102 of the Conference Report.

Our Prime Minister and the President have in a joint statement assured the international community, "Filing a declaration regarding its civilians facilities with the International Atomic Energy Agency, IAEA; taking a decision to place voluntarily its civilian nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards; signing and adhering to an Additional Protocol with respect to civilian nuclear facilities; continuing Indian's unilateral moratorium on nuclear testing; working with the United States for the conclusion of multilateral Fissile Material Cut off Treaty; refraining from transfer of enrichment and reprocessing technologies to States that do not have them and supporting international efforts to limit their spread and ensuring that the necessary steps have been taken to secure nuclear materials and technology through comprehensive export control legislation and through harmonization and adherence to Missile Technology Control Regime, MTCR and Nuclear Supplies Group, NSG guidelines." This is a joint statement of the Prime Minister and the President. But after these assurances also, the non-proliferation lobby passed a deterrent Act with overwhelming majority. They are preaching sermons on non-proliferation. This is like ײֻ ֻ - ׾֡ ׻֋ It is like that.

Sir, I want to bring to the notice of the Prime Minister and his advisors that during 1965, under peace for atoms programme, we had an accord on Tarapore. It was a bilateral agreement. They have gone back on this agreement. They have still not taken the irradiated fuel even today. After this betrayal of the Americans, our scientists developed technology and material. Just before loading the material to this plant, France came and supplied the enriched material with tacit understanding and approval of America. This is the situation. Sometimes, they go back, whenever they feel like doing so. It will be arm-twisting for us also.

(Contd. by 3L)

RG/4.15/3L

DR. M.V. MYSURA REDDY (contd.): They have to keep this in mind when they are entering into an agreement with the Americans and the U.S. Government. Sir, I can understand, and I can support the Prime Minister's intention that he wants to have a growth in the energy sector matching with the growth of our economy. But, in this connection, I would like to bring to the notice of this august House that our scientists, with one voice, are saying that we can develop thorium within our country, that we are having 25 per cent of the world's deposits in India. So we are having the technology. We are developing a Fast Breeder Reactor at Kalpakkam with a capacity of 500 MW. It is in an advanced stage. And, these technologies and deposits are matters of envy to our developed countries. But if India is successful in mastering the FDR technology for commercialisation, then, we will be placed better than Saudi Arabia and Kuwait economically; I am not talking about nuclear capabilities. I request the hon. Prime Minister to provide sufficient funds for research and for getting quicker results in the development of thorium for the energy sector.

Sir, if we look at the data of the Nuclear Power Corporation of India and also the Mid-term Appraisal of the Planning Commission, our reactors are working below capacity for the last three years. But as far as the estimates of the Power Corporation are concerned, we are having 95,000 tonnes of Uranium deposits available in India. But they are unable to mine them because of paucity of funds and several other constraints. In fact, our Prime Minister, when he was the Finance Minister in the then Government, should have released more funds to the DAE for this mining project. If this had been done, the Department of Atomic Energy could have developed more mines to meet the growing necessities of our power energy. During that time, the release of funds was quite meagre that we were unable to even open the mines. Now, at least, I would urge upon the hon. Prime Minister to release more funds for mining these Uranium deposits so that the DAE would be able to supply the materials for the reactors.

I would like to bring one more point to the notice of this august House. There is a proverb in Telugu which is appropriate to the present situation. * "A man does not have a wife or a son. But he says, his son's name is Somalingam." I will read out one or two statements of the Prime Minister. "I have calculated that we need at least 150 billion worth of investment in the next seven or eight years if we have to modernise our infrastructure. We have to realise our ambition of moving at a growth rate of eight to ten per cent. Our domestic savings rate is respectable. But we need international help, and the United States can help us. Therefore, when I discussed this idea first with President Bush, when I met him in Moscow, he said that the American Government was no longer in the aid business. But whatever they could do to encourage U.S. business to take greater interest in India, they would work with us."

(Continued by 3M)

* Hon. Member may please fill in

the quotation in Telugu.

3m/4.20/ks

SHRI M.V. MYSURA REDDY (CONTD.): He said, I will put five of my best friends who are in the world business to work with five of your top businessmen and let them jointly explore as to how our two countries work better to realise your vision of a more dynamic infrastructure. This is the statement made on August 4, 2005 in Rajya Sabha. Neither the Prime Minister nor the Government ever said that this was meant for nuclear energy. They said that this was for infrastructure development. Who were the scientists on the American side, who were the businessmen on the American side, who were the businessmen on the Indian side, who created and developed this idea of nuclear energy? Let this august House know who these persons are. This idea of nuclear energy has come. Why I am asking this thing is, before going and meeting the President in Moscow, they did not have the idea of producing more energy. He wanted only to develop the infrastructure. Later only, they developed the idea of producing more atomic energy. That is why I am asking who is this group, what are their deliberations, how this idea of nuclear energy came. Day in and day out, they have been saying that it is for nuclear energy; nuclear energy is the best energy; to cater to our needs, nuclear energy is the only resource. That is what the Government has been saying. Now, we have doubts. Mr. Ahluwalia -- not this Ahluwalia, but Mr. Montek Singh Ahluwalia -- made a statement at a Press Conference in New York, after the Joint Statement, and before the Act was passed in the Senate; They are going to say that India has unduly accepted too many restraints. But my feeling is that if the administration is able to take it through Congress, which obviously we hope it will, and I know that that is not something we can predict, I don't see that there will be difficulty on our side in implementing what we have agreed to. There will be political criticism but I think the Government can handle that".

Sir, before the Act was passed, Nicholas Burns also gave a statement that we will be making an agreement; that means, very responsible persons were saying even this before the 123 Agreement that somehow they will conclude the agreement. Then, there have been some press writings that some business firms like Tata Power, Reliance Energy and Sterlite are making efforts to make nuclear power stations and in America also, GE Energy, Alstom, Skoda and TurboAtom are trying local players for a technical tie-up for high-end nuclear equipment. These have been appearing before the Agreement. It is a big investment that is there in the nuclear sector. Some lobbies in India and in the US have hidden agendas. In reality, the Deal is certainly not for enhancing the nation's energy security. (Contd. by 3n/tdb)

TDB-NB/3N/4.25

SHRI M.V. MYSURA REDDY (CONTD.): But it is for ensuring the financial security of certain Indian and US energy companies and their powerful middlemen in India and in USA. Sir, I request the hon. Prime Minister and this Government not to mortgage this country's interests to the business lobbies. With these words, I conclude, Sir.

(Ends)

MR. DEPUTY CHAIRMAN: Now, Shri Digvijay Singh. ...(Interruptions)... His was the maiden speech, that is why I did not interrupt. But, don't think that I will not do it for others. ...(Interruptions)... I know, everybody will say that he is making his maiden speech. I know which is maiden and which is not maiden. ...(Interruptions)...

פݾֵ֕ (ָӛ) : ֳ֯ן , ׾ֵ ָ ֕ ָ ֮ ׻֋ ֛ ֛ ָ ֲ ֮ ֟ ֤ ֮ ϵ , ָ Ϭִ֮ӡ ָ - " ָ ׾ , ֯ " ׾ ֱ פֵ ֵ, ֤ פֵ ֵ ֤ ִ֬ פֵ ֵ, ו֮֟ ָ Ϭִ֮ӡ ָ ֤ ׾ פֵ ֵ, ֮ ָ ֜ ֻ ֵօ ֮ ֯ ָ - ֕ ֵֿ ו Ϭִ֮ӡ ֮ ָ ׌ , ֤ ֱ ӡ , ָ ӡ , ָ ָ™ן, ֤ ֳ֯ן , ֟ ָ ׌ֵָ ך֮ , ֱ ָ Ϭִ֮ӡ ֻ 100 ׾ ִٯ֟ ָ Ϭִ֮ӡ ׬ָ פ ֵ ָ ָ֮ ֻ ֕ ֲ ָ ָ֮ ָ Ϭִ֮ӡ ָ ׾ ֤ ָ ׮ , ֲ Ϭִ֮ӡ ֟ ָ , ׻֋ ? ָ Ϭִ֮ӡ ֤ ֵ֮ - և ֵ֮ , ß ֵ֮ ָ ָ United States of America , ֟ և ו ֻ֟ ֕ ױ ָ ֓ , ָ ָ ֤ ֮ Ϭִ֮ӡ , ו ו ™ן ָ ֯ ׾ , ™ן ֱ ָ , ֕ -߮ ֻ ӵ㌟ ™ ӑ ֆ׬־֮ פ

ֳ֯ן , ֟ ֓ ָ ™ן, ָ ׾֤ ӡ, ӵ㌟ ™ ӑ ֳ ֻ ׸ ֵ, ֮֟, ָ ֌ ֲ weapon of mass destruction ֵ ? ֟ ָ ™ן ָ ׮ֵ ׮ֵ ֲ ֛ ã ӵ㌟ ™ ӑ ֳ , ? ߮-ֻ ָ Ӥ ײ֟ ֵ ָ ™ן ӵ㌟ ™ ӑ ֳ ֟ ָ ׾ פֵ , ׾֤ ӡ ֟ ָ ׾ פֵ օ ׻֋ ֟ , , ָ ׾ כ֟ ֲ ָ Ϭִ֮ӡ ֯ ָ ߮ ֯ ֳ׌ ָ ϿדŮ ֟ ֤ ֛ , ֳ׌ ָ ϿדŮ ֟ ָ ™ߵ þ׳ִ֮ ן ã ָ ϿדŮ ֟, ֟ ֮ ָ ֮ ֵ ָ ָ ֮ ֋ כ ־ ֻ ֻ , כ ־ ֻ ׮ִ ו ״ ׮־ , ̸֕Ӥ֕ ֟ ֟և 1927 ָ ָ כ ־ ֻ פ "League against Imperialism", Brussels ֟ ִ֕־֤ ׌ֵ ָ ֜ ־ָ ׌ ֋߅ ֕ ֟ ֲ ֤֕ . ָ ֮֟ , 1949 ӵ㌟ ™ ӑ ֳ פ ֮֟ ָ ß ָ ֮ ?

3O/AKG ָ ֿ:

AKG-KGG/3O/4.30

פݾֵ֕ (֟) : ׸ ֯ ֯ ָ ֻ״֟ ֯ ָ ֟ ꅠ ֮ ָ ֮ ׻֋ Ѿ ָ ֵ, ֮ ֤ þ־ִֻ ꅠ ָ ֮ ֛ , ֮ ָ ֛ ֲ֕ ׌ ׮ֵ ãׯ֟ ꅠ ׻֋ ֟ ֟ ֵ֟ , և ׻֋ ֟ ֕ 15-16 ֻ ֮ ֛ ֓և , ֕ ָ ׸ ִ֮ ֓ ֳ֯ן , ־ָ ӑ, ׾ֵ֟ ӑ ֵ, ִ֮ꅠ ԓ ֛ ִ ԓ , ֌ ָ , ֮֟ ִ֮ , ֯ , ֯ ׮ , Ϭ֮ ӡ ֵ֟ , ָ ָ ד֮ ? ָ ד֮ ֮֯ 17 ß ֤ ָ ִ֮ ֕ ߮ ֟ , ֲ ֜ ߮ ֮ և ָ ß ß־ ֟ , ֲ ß־ ֟ , ָ ֮ ֯ ֟ ׸ ֟ ׮

(ֳ֬ (. .. ׸֮) ߚ߮ )

֯ ֟ ׸ ֮֮ ָ ߮ ֟ ï™ և , ֮֯ ֤ ߴ֟ ָ ָ ߮ , ָ ִ , ߮ ֟ ï™ ß־ , וִ Ը֮ ״ֻ ֲ ֕ , ֯ ׾֤ ӡ ... (־֮֬) ... , , , ֯ ֯ ָָ ֲ ֯ ׾֤ ӡ , ֮֯ ָ ־ ָָ և ן ֮և , ߮ Ը֮ ״ֻ ׮ֵ ӵ㌟ ָꅠ פ ִֵ ֻ֟߮ ׾֤ ӡ , ߴָ ֻ֟ ֮ ֵ օ ָ ׻֋ ִֵ ֮ ֯ ׌ ߅ , ֙ ֕ ו օ 1991 ֮ ֋ ֮ ָ ׮ԙ ׾֤ סֵ ִ֮ - , ָ, û׾ֵ Ը֮օ ֛և , ֛ ֛և ߅ ֳ֬ , ֙ Ը֮ ֮ ִ֮ ָ ׾֤ ӡ ֋ ֋ ֙ ֻ֟߮ ֕߾ Ѭ , ֵ ֵ օ ׮ֵ Ѭ , ֕ ߋ ָ , ֣ ָ֙ פ , ӛָ , ָ , ֲ delegation ꅠ ָ ֙ Ը֮ ִ֮ օ և ָ ß־ ָ פ ֵ , ִ ֵ ? ... (ִֵ ә) ...

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P.J. KURIEN): Digvijay Singhji, you take only two more minutes.

פݾֵ֕ : ָ, ֵ ׻֋, ָ ֮ , ֟ ... (־֮֬) ...

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: I will explain the position. There are eleven more speakers. (Interruptions) I have no objection but I am only sharing the position with the House. There are eleven more speakers and I have been instructed that the discussion should be complete by 6 p.m. and then there would be a reply. It is for the House to decide. If the House decides, he can continue. Please conclude within five minutes. (Interruptions)

פݾֵ֕ : ֳ֬ , ߻ օ

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Please conclude within two-three minutes.

פݾֵ֕ : ָ, ֲ ꅠ ׾֤ ӡֵֻ ָ ٟ֮֯ ֋

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Please conclude within five minutes. ֯ ѓ ״֮֙ ִ֯ ו֋

פݾֵ֕ : ֳ֬ , ן ֮ ֤ פ , ׾֤ ן ָ ߕ ֯ ו֮ ָ ֮ , ֑־ , ֛ ֟ , ֯ ֲ ֮ ־֮ פ օ

(3 ָ ֿ:)

3P/HMS-KLS/4.35

פݾֵ֕ (֟) : և, ־֮ , ֕ , ֯ ֮ פ ֕ ִ ן ֮ֆ ָ ִָ ָ ß֟ ֟ Ϭ֮ ӡ ָ-ָ ִ ן , ן, ֮֮ ? , 000 ָָ ִ֣Ԯ , ֟ , ׾֯ ֓֯ ֻ֟ ִ ן ? ...(־֮֬)... ִ օ ִ ן ֯ ߕ ָ ? ...(־֮֬)... ֳ֬ , ߕ ָ ִ ן ? ֤ ֵ ָ , ָ-ָ ָ ו ָ ֮ ֵ , ִ ן ֯ ֮֮ , פ֮ ֮֟ ֕ ׻֋ , ן ׾ָ ? ֑־ , ן ߴ֟ ָ? ߴ֟ ָ ו ָ ָ ߤ ֤֕ ׮ֵ ֣ ֲָָ ׸ ִֵ ִ ן, ß ֯ ֮ֆ ִ֮ י ֯ ֕ ׻֋ ? ߟִָ ֟ ߅ ֟ פ ..(־֮֬)...

֕߾ ㌻ : ֯ ִֵ ׾֤ -ӡ ֲ ..(־֮֬).. և ֕ refuelling ָ߿֮ ֵ ߅

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P.J. KURIEN): Please do not disturb him. ...(Interruptions)... We have no time. ...(Interruptions)... Please continue your speech. ...(Interruptions)... You please take your seat. ...(Interruptions)... Please. ...(Interruptions)...

֕߾ ㌻ : ָ ֕ Ը ֱֻ refuelling ָ߿֮ ...(־֮֬)...

פݾֵ֕ : ֯ ֟ ־ֲ , ֯ ֟ ? ֳ֬ , ֟ , ָ֮ פݾֵ֕ פ ׾֤ ִӡ , ֕ ֕ ֮֮ ִ , , ֮ ֮ ? ֳ֬ , ו refuelling ֟ ֯ , ֲ ָ֮ ָָ Ϭ֮ ӡ ָָ ִ֣Ԯ ? ֯ ֲ ֕߾ Ӭ ִ֣Ԯ օ

֕߾ ㌻ : ָ֡ ..(־֮֬)... ֤ ֟

פݾֵ֕ : - ֮֮ ӵ㌟ ™ ֳ ָ ָָ , ִֵ ָָ ֛և ָ ֤ ӵ㌟ ™ ֳ ףֵ ֲ refuelling , , ֕ ָ֮ ߴָ ֻ֟ , ֛ ֕ ֤ؕ ִ ִ - ײָ ֕֯ 00 ֛, ֲ ָ֮ ֻ ֕߾ Ӭ օ ֕߾ Ӭ ָ, ֛ ׾ refuelling ִ , ߔ ָ օ

֕߾ ㌻ : ֻ֟ ֟ ...(־֮֬)...

פݾֵ֕ : ܟ ..(־֮֬)...

֕߾ ㌻ : ֲ ֻ֟ ֟ ...(־֮֬)...

THE MINISTER OF STATE IN THE MINISTRY OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS (SHRI ANAND SHARMA): Digvijayji, just one minute. ...(Interruptions)... I think you are getting carried away and making a statement which is not correct. ...(Interruptions)...It is incorrect that it was on the instruction of the then leader of the Congress Party, the then President of the Congress Party and the former Prime Minister, Shri Rajiv Gandhi. ...(Interruptions)... This is not correct at all. ...(Interruptions)...

פݾֵ֕ : ֮֜ ...(־֮֬)... - ָָ ׾֤ ד־ ִ ָ ߅ ...(־֮֬)... ו֋ ֲ וִָ ִֵ ָ֮ ָָ ׾֤ ׾ֳ ָ ևә ִ ָ ...(־֮֬)...

THE MINISTER OF STATE IN THE MINISTRY OF PARLIAMENARY AFFAIRS (SHRI SURESH PACHOURI): You cannot name a person here who cannot defend himself here. ...(Interruptions)...

SHRI ANAND SHARMA: I object to it, Sir. ...(Interruptions)... You cannot name an official for any reason. ...(Interruptions)... The Government officials cannot speak in the House. ...(Interruptions)... He should withdraw that. ...(Interruptions)... It is not a responsible thing at all. ...(Interruptions)...

פݾֵ֕ : ? (3 /ߋ־ ָ ֿ:)

PSV-SSS/3Q/4.40

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P. J. KURIEN): Mr. Digvijay Singh, please listen to me. (Interruptions) Mr. Digvijay Singh, this discussion is about nuclear deal. Try to confine to that.

SHRI DIGVIJAY SINGH: I am confining to that.

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: You also remember that as a Minister you have taken an oath not to reveal and don't forget that oath you have taken.

SHRI DIGVIJAY SINGH: Sir, it is Shri Rajeev Shukla who raised it.

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Shri Rajeev Shukla, was never a Minister. Please come to your seat.

SHRI DIGVIJAY SINGH: No, no ...(Interruptions)...

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Please come to the topic. (Interruptions) Please come to the topic. (Interruptions) Mr. Rajeev Shukla, please take your seat. Don't disturb. (Interruptions) Mr. Digvijay Singh, please come to the subject.

פݾֵ֕ : ָ, ֮ ֲ ָ ...(־֮֬)... ָ ״֮֙ , ֮ ֟ ֟ օ

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: You have to be given only ten minutes. That was the instruction given to me and you have taken 15 minutes already. Please try to conclude. (Interruptions) Please sit down. (Interruptions) Please sit down. Take your seat. (Interruptions)

SHRI V. NARAYANASAMY: Sir, if he cannot substantiate, it should not go on record. (Interruptions)

פݾֵ֕ : ֳ֬ , ֟ ...(־֮֬)... ֲ , ו ָ ֟ , ו ֯ ֮־ ׸ ָ ...(־֮֬)... љ ...(־֮֬)...

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P. J. KURIEN): Please conclude. You have taken 15 minutes. You address the Chair. You are such a senior Member. Try to address the Chair and you know that your time was ten minutes. You have taken 15 minutes. I have direction about the timing.

פݾֵ֕ : , ָ ־ֻ ֵ, ׻֋ ־ֲ ...(־֮֬)... ֳ֬ , ָ Ϭ֮ ӡ -߮ ֟ -߮ ֟ ׻֋ ־ֻ ֕ ֵ ֵ ֕ ָ ߟִָ ß־ ß־ ֮ ֲ ֮֟ ß֮ ֲ ־ָ , ֲ ׿ֵ ָ߲ ״֙߅ ָ ݻ֤ ָ߲ , ֻ ָ߲ , ָ߲ , ָ ־ָ ָ߲ ״֙ , ָ ֻ ָ ֻ ֟ , ݻ֤ ָ ֻ ֟ ׻֋ ָ ֻ ֟ ֮ ך֮ ָ߲ ָ֮ ֟ ׻֋ ߟִָ ß־ , ָ Ϭ֮ ӡ ִ֓ ֕ ִõ ִ֯ -- ֻ ׮ִ֕ ֤ , և ֟ և ִָ֤ ֜ ִָ֤ ֵ֤ ֟ ߲֮ 70-80 ָ ־֙ և ׌ ֕ ߤ , ֻ ß ָ ֱ ֕ ָ ...(ִֵ ә)... ׻ ָ Ϥ ײָ ָ֟ ֜ ֟ , ֜ ֲִֵ ...(־֮֬)...

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P. J. KURIEN): Please conclude. (Time-bell) Please conclude. Please conclude.

 

 
פݾֵ֕ : , ָ ָ ֮ ֓ ֻ ? , ָָ -- ֮ ָ ״֟ -- 40 ײ׻ֵ֮ 00 ָ 20 ײ׻ֵ֮ ֟ , ָָ , ָ֬ ָ 40 ײ׻ֵ֮ ָ ֓ 40 ײ׻ֵ֮ ָ ֲֻ֟ - 2 ָ ֋ 2 ָ ֋ ֮ re-fueling(?) ֕ ׻֋ ָ ֯ ׌ֵָ ֕ ßֻ , ֲ ִ ֮ ָ ֛ , ֯ Ӥ֕ ו֋ ...(־֮֬)...

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Please conclude now. (Interruptions) You cooperate with me.

פݾֵ֕ : ׻֋ ֳ֬ , ֮ ֵ֮ ֋ ֮ ֕ ֮ ֵ֮ ֋ ...(־֮֬)... ָ ֮ ָ ֛ , þ׳ִ֮ ֋ ֮ ֛օ ׸ ֣ ִ þ׳ִ֮ ֯ ֓֋ ׻֋ Ϭ֮ ӡ ...(־֮֬)...

ֳ֬ : ֯ ָ ו֋ ...(־֮֬)... You cooperate with me. Please conclude.

פݾֵ֕ : ָ, ֟ , ֯ ׮֋ ...(־֮֬)... ֯ ֆ, ֟ , ״֮֙ ו֋, ֟ ...(־֮֬)...

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: You please conclude. That's what I am saying (Interruptions) You please conclude. ֟

פݾֵ֕ : , ֳ֬ օ

ֳ֬ : , ו֋

פݾֵ֕ : ׻֋ ֯ ִ֬ Ϭ֮ ӡ ܾß Ϭ֮ ӡ , ֯ ׻֋ ִֵ ֵ , ֲ ֯ ׸ ֟ ֯ ׾ ֻ ָ ֯ ֣ ֛ (3ָ/000 ָ ֿ:)

aka-nbr/3r/4:45

פݾֵ֕ (֟) : ָ ֯ ִ֓ ן ָ ָ ֯ ֟ ִ֓ ָ ֯ ן ֯ ֤ , ֯ ָ ֮ ֺ ֟ ֟ ֮ ֮ ֤ ׾ , ߔ ֻ , ֳ ׬ þ֟ օ ֮־֤ (ִ֯)

0 ֮ (ָ Ϥ) : ֳ֬ , ֯ ֳָ ֮֯ ׾ֵ ָ ֮ ׾ָ֓ ֮ ָ פօ ָ , ֲ ָ ֤ ֮ ֮ ֙ ׾ָ֓ ֟ , ׾ֵ ָ ֮֮ߵ Ϭִ֮ӡ ֡ ׻ , ֡ ָ ד֟ ִօ ִ , ֡ ֮ ִõ֋ , ײ֮ ֋ , ֕ ָ ׸ ָ ֮֮

ֲ ׮־ Ϭִ֮ӡ ִ ָ ֛ ֑־ ָ ֤ ֕ ױ ֮֟ ϵ ָ ־ , ׾ ֿ׌ ֮֮ , 10 ןֿ֟ ׬ ׾ ָ ߑןֿߑ ֮ ׻֋ ־ֿ ִ Ӥ ׾ ׻֋, ׾ ׻֋ ϴ ֟ , , ר֮ ֟ ֮ ׾ ָ ֣ ִ ׾ ׻֋ ֺ ֯ , ׾ ָ ֣ ֤ ֟ ָ ̻ ֤ ß֮ ָ ֋, ָ ֜ ֤ ꅠ , ß֮ ֤ ֣ ָ ֜֋ ֟ ꅠ ׻֋ ֲ ־ָ ׻֋ ׮ ִ֮ ֣ ֛ օ ָ ? ֵ֟ ֵ ָ ֯ ֤ ״ֻ, ߓ Ù ֋ ו ָ Ӿ ֯ ֣ ָ ֋ꅠ ֤ ױ ֤ ֣ ֻ֋ ? ֵ ־֟ ֻ֋օ ָ ֤ ױ ֣ ָ ָ , , ו ֻ։օ ־ֻ ָ ֯ ֣ ָ ֣ ֻ֮ ֻ ־֟ ؿ֙ , ִ ֻօ

ָ ֟ ֵ֟ ֵ ׳ߵ ֺ , ֲ ß ֛, ֲ ֻ ״ֻ, ֛ ߮ , , ״֌ ָ ֟ , ֟ , ϴ , ԅ ׮ֵ ß֮ וִ ן Ìֵָ יߙ ֲ ֤ ֕ ״ֻ֟ , 12 ߮ ״ֻ֟ ߮, ߮ ״ֻ ָ ״ֻ֟ , ״ֻ ֲ ֛ ָ ״ֻ֟ ׮־ ӓ-֟ ֻ ֲ ׾֮ ӡ ֵ֟ ִԮ ֵ ִԮ ׮ ߸-߸ ֮ ָ ׳ߵ ӵ֡ Ӥ ֤ ָ ָ, ָ ָ ִԮ ֟ ׻֋ ׿ֿ , ֮ ״ֻ֟ ָ פ ? ֟֋ ָ ֋ ֓ , ָ ִ ָ ָ ֕ ׻֋, ׾ ׻֋ ֓ פ ֋ ֮ , ָ ֲֻ , ִ , ױ׿֋, ֟ ֮֜ ֺ ָ ֮ 10 ןֿ֟ ֜ , 15-20 ןֿ֟ , ָ 10 ןֿ֟ ױ׿֋ ֮ ֜ , ֯ ײ֮ ™ ָ ֵ֤ ֯ , ָ ָ ֮ פ ֵօ

('3s/sch' ָ ָ)

SCH/USY/4.50/3S

. ֮ (֟): և֮ , ߮ ϓ ֡ ֲֻ և ֮ ֮֟ ֲ ׾֮ ӡ , ֲ ׿ֿ ߋֵ ...(־֮֬) ӡ ...(־֮֬) ֳ֬ , ֯ ֟ ..(־֮֬) ֯ ׮־ ֮ և֮ ϵ , -և ֻ פև և, ߯ ֻ פև և, ױָ֮ , ֮ ֵ ϓ ֡ ֲֻ ָ ׻֋ ָ ϵ ֟ ? ߕ ׻֋ ׿ֿ ? , ֣ , ו ־֟ þֵ , , ו ִ ָ ָ ֻ ֟׮ֳԸ ֮֋ ׻ ׮ ן ™ ֋ ָ , ָ ׮ֵ ß פ ꅠ ׻֋ ֮֟ ִֻ և ׾ָ֓

ו ֵ , ؾ֛ ֕ , ָ ֛ ֡ ֲֻ ֮ ָ֮ , ׳ߵ ֤ ָ 18 և, 2005 ֲֻ ֡ ֲֻ , ׻֋ ִ ךև : ָ ָ ִ ָ ָ ־ , ֟ ֮֮ ׻֋ ָ ֵ֤ ׾ָ֮֓ ׌, ׻ ׸ãןֵ , ֳ ־ֿֆ , ֮ ִ֟ , ִ֟ ־ ֵ ֕ , ִ֟ ׸ד֟ , ֟ þָ ֱ ֮ ֓ ׳ߵ , ו ֣ ִõ֋ , ֵ֟ ֵ Ӹ֟ , ִ Ù ׮֟ , ֮ ױ כï̻ , ָ ׸ ֕ ׌ָ Ù ָ ֮ ̟֕ , כï̻ ֮ ָ ֟ ׿ֿ ָ ׮ֵ ׌ֵָ Ù ָ ֋, ֮ ꅠ ֟ ָ ׾ָ֓ ֮ ׮״֢ ֵ֮ , ֱ , Դ פ , פ , ̲֕

, ׳ߵ ֺ ָ ֟ ָ ׳ߵ ֮ ׻֋ ֮ Ùו ֵ ׻֋, ׮ִֵ ױ ֮ ٟ ׻֋ ־֕ և ٟ ׻֋ ָ ֟ ֮, ָ ִ ֮ ֮ ׻ֵ ױ ִ ׮օ

ִ֮ ׮ ֵ֮ , וִ , "At the very outset, it should be understood that India has sufficient supplies of natural uranium to meet immediate requirements until the third phase of thorium cycle has been commercialised, when India would have attained complete self-sufficiency over all aspects of nuclear energy production. With uranium mining activities, in India, proceeding at a snail's pace, we have come to a point where immediate imports were required mainly to keep the two Tarapore plants running past 2007."

׮ֵ֤ ֟ ָ ׮ִֵ ׾֤ ӟָ™ߵ ׸ , ָ ׮ ֮ , ׳ߵ , ׌ֵָ ֕ , ׌ֵָ ִ ֟ ֮֟ ָ ׮ִֵ ϓ ӛָ , ֮ Ϥ , ָӛ , , ֵֻ ָӓֻ ָ ֲ ևخ ֋ ׮ִֵ פ ֕ ևخ , ו֮֟ ֮֟ , ִ 12,000 ӛ ׸ ׮ִֵ ָ ֲֻ , ևخ ? ֮ Ϥ ? ֌ֻև ָ ֮ ևֻ ִֻ ֮ ꅠ ָ ֵֻ ָ ֵ , ֮֮ օ ֮֮ ׻֋ ׮ִֵ ֮ ꅠ ֓ ֵ և ֯ ֮ , ָ 3T ָ ָ

MCM-VP/3T/4-55

0 ֮ (֟) : ֯ , ָ ױ , --, ֮ ꅠ ֯ ? , ֮ ꅠ ֻ ֻ օ ֮ ֻ ֮ ? ׮ִֵ ֮ , ֻ ֮ ꅠ ֲֻ֟ ׮׿֟ Ӥ֮ ׮ִֵ ֮ ꅠ Ӭ ׮ִֵ ֮ ꅠ ָ ֮֯ ֮֯ , ևֻ ִ߮ Ùו ִ ֟ ? ֟ ָ֮ և Ӥ֮ Ӥ֮ ߔ ? - Ӥ ß֮ ׳ߵ ֵ , ׌ֆ ִ , Ùו ִ ֱ 挻߆ ִֻ , ׳ߵ ִֻ ֟-׮ֳԸ , ߔ ? ָ ׌ֆ ׸ֻ ־ , ׳ߵ ߕ - ֮ ׮ִֵ և , ױ ׮ֵ ֋? ֟ ָ ֟ ֕ ֲָ ֛ ָ ֮֮ߵ Ϭ֮ ӡ Joseph Stiglitz ֣ ׾ֿ߻ ־ã ָ ׾֟ ϳ־ ֛ ֮֕ן 'The politics of WTO.' ָ օ ֟ ָ ֯ ׾ ׻֋ ӕ ֺ , ׾ ׻֋ , -׸ֻ ֕ ֺ ָ ֯ ָ ֮ , ֟- ׻֋ ֕ ֺ , ֟ there is a politics of WTO. There is a politics of food. There is a politics of energy and there is a politics of technology. ֮, They impinge upon the politics of technology.

ָ ־ã֋ ׳ߵ ֻ ׻י ֕ ׻י ֕ ִֻ ֕֟ ו֋, ָָ ָ ִ ׳ߵ ִ ֣-֣, ו ֓ ֤ , ֮ ֺ , ֯ ߮ ׸껵֮ , that is, food politics. ׸֛ וִ ׸ Food is our instrument and it is a very powerful instrument to bargain. ֲֻ֟ ֕ ׻י ֕ ָ֬ ָ, ֕ ָ ֕ ׻י ו ָ֬ ָ ָ , ָخ ֕ ־ , ֕ ־ , ӕ ־ , ֮ ֟ ױ ֮ , ׾֟ ֮ ִ 녠 ֲ ֯ ָ ָ ׳ߵ ִ š״ ֕ ִֻ֯ ָ ׾ָ֓ ֯ ׮־ , ։ ֟ ׾ßָ և , ָ ָ ִ֮ և ֵ , ִ և But, it hides many things and reveals very few things. ֮ Ӥ ߕ ה֋ ָ ֯ ָ ִ ֟ ָ ֟ It seeks to neither fully nor irreversibly lift civil nuclear sanctions against India. ֟ ֟ ָ-ָ ִ ׮ ׾֕, ָ֋ ָ ָ  ָ ֟ ֟ꅠ It provides no guarantee of uninterrupted fuel supply over the lifetime of imported reactors. ָ ׳ߵ þֵ֢ , ׳ߵ þ֟ӡ֟ ָ ןֲ׬֟ , פ ֋օ ױ ֯ ָ ӾÙ ָ ָ , ָ , ֯ ָ ׾ ו֮֟ ֮֋ ֋߅ ִ ָ It denies India an unfettered right to either reprocess U.S.-origin fuel discharged by reactors or to ship it to the U.S. for disposal. ־ã ִ ׳ߵ Ù ׮, ֯ ׯ , ֯ כï- , ֯ ֮ ֛? It debars India's exit from the arrangements, but allows the U.S. to terminate all cooperation if New Delhi fails to abide by the listed good-behaviour conditionalities. ֓ ָ ־ָ , ָ ֮ פֵ It decrees U.S. end-use verification in India, in addition to inspections by the Vienna-based International Atomic Energy Agency. (3U ָ ֿ:)

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