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-SK/YSR/1.00/2A

SHRI JANARDHANA POOJARY (CONTD.): It is within the ambit of the Constitution. Parliament that has passed this legislation, the constitution amendment, has given authority to the Government and to the hon. Minister to come out with this piece of legislation. Sir, here the words are, "socially and educationally backward classes." They are not castes; it is a class. And there is a difference between castes and class. For the Scheduled Castes, this Bill provides for 15 per cent reservation; for the Schedules Tribes, seven-and-a-half per cent; and for other backward classes, which are socially and educationally backward, it is 27 per cent. Now, it is going to be 49.5 per cent for these sections of the society. What is the percentage of their population? The Schedules Castes consist of 18 per cent, and the Scheduled Tribes consist of seven-and-a-half per cent. Now the percentage of the total population from these two castes will be 25 per cent, and from backward classes, as per the Mandal Commission that has been considered on the basis of 1931 Census, it comes to 52 per cent of the population. Now my submission before the House is that these sections -- the Schedules Castes, 18 per cent and the Schedules Tribes seven-and-a-half per cent -- come to about 25 per cent. The backward classes is 52 per cent. It is covered. Hon. Member, Ahluwaliaji, is not here. Even the OBCs in minorities, even Muslim castes, are also included, as per the recommendation of the Mandal Commission. Even though it is not mentioned here specifically, they belong to socially and educationally backward classes. If you take this into consideration -- 17-18 per cent Scheduled Castes, seven-and-a-half per cent Schedules tribes, which is roughly about 25 per cent, 52 per cent backward classes, and 18 per cent minority -- it comes to 95 per cent. This UPA Government, with the help of Parliament, is looking after 95 per cent of the population. Yes, the 5 per cent of the population is left out, and we say that we are not against for providing reservation to the weaker sections in the upper castes also. That has to be done. But, as per the Constitution, it is not permitted today. It is only for socially and educationally backward classes. Now economic criterion is not incorporated in this. So, my submission is that they have come before the House as per the Constitution.

Sir, I am addressing this to the hon. Minister. Sir, you belong to a royal family; and I belong to the poorest of the poor family. My asking for this reservation is natural. But you belong to a royal family and you are looking after this section of the society with all our assistance. We have to appreciate your tolerance and your patience, for what you have undergone for the last one-and-a-half years. Your patience is exemplary. You did not antagonise any section of the society. I would read some of the observations that have been reported against you in the Press. "Caste-based reservation." "Quality of education to suffer." I don't want to name the papers also. (Contd. by VKK/2B)

-YSR/VKK/2b/1.05

SHRI JANARDHANA POOJARY (CONTD.): Some of the newspaper headings are, "Caste quota challenged: Notice to Centre on reservation"; "The Thin Line: Now OBCs may demand parity with Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes"; Then, the Supreme Court says, "Use quota to transcend caste, not perpetuate it"; "Excess Reservation will cause severe discrimination", says the Supreme Court; "Government Plan: new law to bypass Supreme Court restriction on Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe quotas"; "We have final say on rights", says the Supreme Court; "Keep out creamy layer"; "Future tense for creamy layer among backward classes"; Then, "Skim the cream", "vanishing cream". These are the cries which we have seen in media. Also, "Deceitful claim"; "Who has said yes to OBC quota"; "The disingenuousness of Human Resource Development Minister, Mr. Arjun Singh, and his factotums, it would seem that his latest disinformation campaign is limitless"; "Blow to justice"; "Education: Who cares for quality"; "Arjun Singh now a problem for the nation". They tried to have a division between the Prime Minister and Shri Arjun Singh. Then, "Don't divide Indians on caste". They said, the officials of NAC and HRD are divided over the Bill. Then, "Mischievous afterthought"; "Arjun quota: not a way to help the disadvantageous"; "Goodbye Excellence"; "Ultimate Reservation"; "Manmohan Singh is paying the price for HRD Minister's politics"; "The mania for quota will destroy even the modest gains made in higher education"; "Reservation over Arjun: the HRD Minister, is attracting more questions than benefits"; "Spare the IIMs & IITs"; "Merit versus Quota"; "Quota mania gone mad". This is the criticism you have faced. Really, I wonder, how you came up with this piece of legislation. I thought that the Minister will run away from the field. No. He has not done that.

Now, the question of merit. We achieved eight to nine per cent growth rate in the economy. I heard some people say it is because of these people who are in premiere institutions; but for them, but for these industrialists, this growth would not have been there before the nation. Sir, I humbly differ with this. Even a worker working in the streets, a construction worker, a factory worker, a farmer in the field, even professors and engineers, whether they are meritorious or not meritorious -- all the persons in the society contributed for this growth rate of eight to nine per cent. What do we say? We say, some group of people are faring well in those areas. Yes, because they are given the opportunity. And we have the backward classes also. The Scheduled Caste and the Scheduled Tribe minorities have been suffering for centuries. Take the example of Poojarys. I had not even two square meals per day. I got scholarships. When I went to study law in Bombay, what had happened? I did not have the money. I had to take water from the tap in the street for drinking purpose. For some days, I did not get a job. For some days, I did not have the money. At noon, for lunch, I had only one plantain a day for so many days. That was my plight. We have seen the suffering. But, here is a Minister who understood the plight of the people. (Contd. by RSS/2c)

RSS/2C/1.10

SHRI JANARDHANA POOJARY (CONTD.): Yes, there is resistance. But, Mr. Minister, you did not care for that. What had happened when Indira Gandhiji brought the Nationalization of Banks Bill? At that time, poor people, farmers and others were not getting loans from the banking institutions. She nationalised them. She had given the land to the tiller. That was the Congress, and the people supported it. Further, when she removed the privy purses, what had happened? There was a lot of hue and cry. But today, the poor people of the country remember her as Amma. She belonged to the Brahmin caste, she belonged to the upper caste. It was not the caste factor which weighed with her because she was looking after the people. Even a poor person from the Scheduled Caste was taken as Minister in the Finance Ministry. Yes, some people said that this man would not continue as such even for more than 6 months. There were people, scheduled castes and other people, I do not want to name them, they said, "Yes, if an opportunity is given,--this is on record in the Finance Ministry--they can come up. Mr. Poojary had continued as the Minister of State for Finance in the Finance Ministry for 6 years and 2 months." It is the record. Take the case of Lalu Prasadji. He did not study in the IITs; he did not go to the premier institutions. Today, he is considered one of the best Ministers the country has seen in the Railway Ministry. Even IIT people, IIM people called him, a backward class man, who is a crusader. As I said in the beginning of my speech, it is heartening to note that you people coming from the upper castes supported fully. That is India, that is the nation. It could be seen only in India, not anywhere else. Now, some people say that we are going to lose everything, our system will collapse. Yes, in 1951, there was one amendment piloted by Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru saying that there should be reservation for socially backward classes also. Now, I am just bringing to your notice today that the Bill which the hon. Minister has piloted, is a landmark legislation. Mr. Minister, you are going to be considered as messaiah by the backward classes. You have created history, and Shrimati Sonia Gandhiji stood by you. She stood by you like a rock. Dr. Manmohan Singh stood by you. There is a commitment that Nehru family has towards the weaker sections. They have got a commitment towards the weaker sections. They did not let you down. Yes, some people say something about the creamy layer. What has been the observation of the Supreme Court? The Supreme Court has observed that it is a mere observation. In Indira Sawhney case, what had happened? In this case, a nine-judge bench gave a ruling about the creamy layer, and in Nagraj's case, a smaller bench had given a judgment. But it is only an observation, nothing more than that. It is stated that when a nine-judge bench judgment is there, the smaller bench judgment cannot stand. It is the jurisprudence, it is the precedent. Hence, my submission will be, now, if at all you want the creamy layer, if the nation's mood is for that, we are not against it. But so far as the legislation is concerned, so far as the Constitution is concerned, it is not permitted at this juncture. Yes, a day will come when we have to see the light, we have to see the reality. We people, who have come up in life, should give it up. I do not ask for the reservation facility for my children even though it is in existence in Karnataka. Yes, why Mr. Narayanasamy should have the reservation? Why Mr. Poojary should have the reservation? (contd. by 2d)

-RSS-TMV-HMS/2D/1.15

SHRI JANARDHANA POOJARY (CONTD.): Why should Mr. Paswan have reservation? Why should Mr. Lalu Prasad have reservation? (Interruptions)...

SHRI SHAHID SIDDIQUI: He is not "Lallu Prasad". He is "Lalu Prasad".

SHRI AMAR SINGH: He is right hon. Lalu Prasadji.

SHRI JANARDHANA POOJARY: I am sorry. I have great respect for him. Sometimes, we commit mistakes. Thank you for correcting me. (Interruptions)...

SHRI AMAR SINGH: I appreciate that. "Lallu" is a very colloquial demeaning term.

SHRI JANARDHANA POOJARY: I am sorry. I am not well conversant with Hindi. I am sorry. After all, you know that we belong to the Backward Classes. (Interruptions)...

SHRI AMAR SINGH: Don't say that and get into a controversy.

SHRI JANARDHANA POOJARY: I am just telling you.

0 ִ ӛָ : ָ, "ֻ" ֲֻ֟ ָ ֓ , ֲ ...(־֮֬)...

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (SHRI DINESH TRIVEDI): Mr. Poojary, you please carry on.

SHRI JANARDHANA POOJARY: Now, the question before us is, whether we, people like Poojary, should give it up. Such a day may come. People from Backward Classes are asking, "Why should you have reservation? You have come up in life". Yes, there is truth in it. I made a speech here in this House, when late Rajiv Gandhi was there, bringing this fact to the notice of the House. I agree with Mr. Ahluwalia. Yes, there should be reservation for the weaker section of the upper castes also. That is social justice. In the Indian National Congress, we have committed ourselves to the people of the nation, to freedom from political slavery and to freedom from economic bondage. After attaining political freedom, within a year, we came before the nation with the industrial revolution of 1948. In the Avadi Congress, the Indian National Congress committed itself to socialism. Our objective is to have growth and to have a vibrant economy, a strong economy, with social justice. That is the ideology and philosophy of the Congress. Now, the question is whether we are going to give it up or not. No, we will never give it up. That is why I admire Mr. Arjun Singh, Mrs. Sonia Gandhi and Dr. Manmohan Singh, and all of you for supporting this Bill. This should be the approach. Now, why should we have any grouse against the minority Muslims? Why do you have obsession about minority? Are they not part of India? Are they not children of Bharat Mata? Are they not children of God? (Interruptions)... Their poverty has been brought to our notice. We have seen their poverty. You go to interior places and see their poverty. The Sachar Committee Report is not required for seeing the reality. When we exempt them, their institutions, from the purview of some the provisions, you are having some grudge. The minorities are also part of India. That should be our approach. Instead of doing that, if you go on spreading some hatred, if you want to divide the nation, it will not be good for the nation. Here, the minorities... (Interruptions)...

00 ׻ֵ : , -֟ 000 ָ , even ָ֓ ׸ 0 189 198 ׻ ֜ ו֋, ָ ֮ ל Please read Sachar Committee Report from page 189 to 198. I have only raised the issue because, as per the First Amendment of the Indian Constitution in 1951, it was stated "socially and educationally backward classes of citizens". (Contd. by VK/2E)

VK-PSV/2E/1.20

SHRI S.S. AHLUWALIA (CONTD): But in the case of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, it was not said like that -- vide the Constitution Notification, 1950. My point is, OBCs consist of not only Hindus, it consists of Muslims, Sikhs and Issais also. When you are giving reservation to these people, allow them to take admission in the minority institutions also. Why are you depriving them from getting admission in these institutions? If you go by the number of seats available, the number of Central institutes available in the country, they are less in number. How can you do it?

SHRI JANARDHANA POOJARY: Mr. Ahluwalia, you were not present when I started my speech. In the beginning itself, I made this point. So far as the reading the Sachar Committee report is concerned, Mr. Ahluwalia, you know me, not from today, since long, that without studying anything I don't come in the House and speak. Now the questions is....

SHRI S. S. AHLUWALIA: You have not read the report from pages 189 to 196.

SHRI JANARDHANA POOJARY: That is why I said, "You were not present here."

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (SHRI DINESH TRIVEDI): Mr. Poojary, I just want to remind you that your party's time is one hour. You have already taken 27 minutes. There are five speakers from your party. I just want to remind it to you.

SHRI JANARDHANA POOJARY: Now the question you have raised is about minority institutions. Who prevented minority institutions from giving reservation or giving seats to backward classes, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes? They can do it on their own. In my State, they are doing it. Now the question before us is whether we should have any grudge against them. Even in the Mandal Commission report -- I made this point also -- these OBCs, that means weaker sections in minorities, even in the Muslim community, are included in the socially and educationally backward classes. My submission is, as passed by Lok Sabha, let us pass it unanimously. This unanimous message is going to give a big relief to this section of the society. I repeat that it is the will of Parliament that prevails. We are showing to the entire nation that Parliament is supreme, nobody else is supreme than Parliament and that we are all representing the people of the nation. I submit that let us make it very clear to the other section who are opposing it that we represent the pulse of the people; our Government is responsible; Parliament is responsible; Parliament is responsive to the feelings of the people. We know the people's mind and we know the people's pulse. We are going to respond to that. This is the piece of legislation. This day will be considered, as I stated earlier, a historic day. Thank you.

(Ends)

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (SHRI DINESH TRIVEDI): Before the next speaker starts, I would like to inform the hon. Members that in the morning meeting it was decided that the House would dispense with the lunch break. Shri Nand Kishore Yadav; you have 14 minutes.

֮ ֤ (ָ Ϥ) : ֮־֤, ֳ֬ ߅ ָ, ߵ ָָ ָ ãׯ֟, ֟ ֵ֟-֯ ןֵ֯ ߵ ãֆ ד֟ ןֵ, ד֟ ֮֕ןֵ ׯ֔ ׸ , ׾֪٣ֵ , Ͼ ָ ֣ ִ׮֟ ֮ ׾ֵ ֲӬ ֻ ׾֬ ָָ , þ֟

(2/000 ָ ֿ:)

SCH/1.25/2F

֮ ֤ (֟): ׾֬ ִ֣Ԯ

ֳ֬ , ׾֬ ־ֻ , ָ ׾֬ ֤֕ ֳ 60 ֤ ֵ  ו ֙ ִ ִֵ ֮ , ֙ ָ ׾֬ ֮ օ

ֳ֬ , ׮ ׾µ ָ ֕ ־ ֻ ֕ ־ ֮ ֟ ֕ ֙ ִֻ֮ ٣, ִו ãן ֲָ ָ ָ֓ ׸ ֟ ֕ ֲ ָ ֕ ־ ֻ , ֲ ָָ ߵ ã֮ ד֟ ן, ד֟ ֮֕ן ׯ֔ ׾֪٣ֵ Ͼ ׻֋ ֮ ֮֮ ִ

ֳ֬ , ָ ־ ָ֓ ׸ ֟ ׾֬ ֟, ו ֳ ׸ פ ֵ ֕ ֕ ֳ ָ ֓ ׾֬ ִ֣Ԯ ׾֬ ָ ־ ָ ׾֬ ָ ֳ ֕ ֳ ֓ԋ ִ ׮׿֟ ֮֕ן ׻ֵ ֓ , ִ֮

ֳ֬ , ֲ ֤ ֲ -ߑ ֤ ֵԾ ֮ ָ ״ֻ֟ , ̴֮ ׻ֵ և ףֵ ֣ ֵ , ִֵ ֤ ָ ֋ ֮ ֻ Ͽ ֮ ֟ օ ӳ߸ ô , , ֲ ֮֟ ֟ ...(־֮֬) ֕ ֲ ֓ , ִ֟ ׻ֵ ָ ֮ ֓ ֟ ֋ ֮ ϵ , ָ ׾֬ ִ֣Ԯ ֟ , ָ ָ , ו ֛ ֮ , ׾֬ ׾ָ ֮ ִ օ

2g/AKA ָ ָ

aka-ks/2g/1:30

֮ ֤ (֟) : ׻ֵ ֲ ׾֬ ָ ™ן ßָ ֋ ֋ ֲ ֻ ֻ Ͼ , ֮־ ֜, ߓ ӑ ֜, ׾֪֣, ו Ӥ ןֳ , ֮ ֻ֮ ϵ ֋ ָ-ָ ֆ ָ օ ֮־ ָ ֮֮ ֻ ֲ ™ ׮ִ օ ֛ ִϟ ֤ߵ ׻ֵ ׮־ ֲ ׾֬ ֋, ו֮ ֆ ָ ֮֯ ֤ ֮ פ֮ ִ , ָ ֟ , ׻ ֮ ׸ ָ ٣, ִו ִ֮֟ ֜, ָ ™ߵ ֆ ֲ ׮ִ ֟ , ִֵ ׾ָ֓ ߅

ָ, ָߵ ׾֮֬ ׮ִԟ 0 ֲ ߴָ־ 26 ־ִָ, 1947 ֲ ָ ׾֮֬ ן ִֵ ™ן 0 ֕ꮦ ֤ , ִֵ 0 ֕ꮦ ֤ ֟ 26 ֮־ָ, 1950 ֮֕ן ֤֕ ֋, ִו ٣ ֤֕ ־ֻ , 26 ֮־ָ, 1950 ֤ ٣ ֮֕ן ִ , ֲ ֻ ׸ ßָ , ٣ ßָ ־ֻ , ִו ßָ ־ֻ , ִ֮֟ ֋ ָ ִ֯ ֋ ִ֮֟ ׿ָ , ָ ϕ֟ӡ ӓ  ֕ ӡ ֕ ֋օ

ָ, ֤֕ 60 ֻ ֋ ָ ֆ, ™ׯ֟ ֟ Ӭ, 0 ߴָ־ , 0 ֮֕ן þ֟ӡ ֤ ִו ٣ ֤֕ , ֕֠ ֋ ִו, ٣ ִ֮֟ ֛ ִõ և ֋ ֲ ָ߲ ֋, ׮ָָ ָ ֋ ָ ֮ , ֳ ִו ٣ ֤֕ ״ֻ ֋߅ (2h/gs' ָ ָ)

GS-TDB/2H/1.35

֮ ֤ (֟) : ֳ֬ , ־ֻ ֲ ׾֬ ֲ և ֛, ָ ִִ ֓ԋ Յ ֳ ִ֕ ָ Ӥ֮ ִ , Ӥ׻֟ , ָ߲, ׮ָָ Ӥ ߸ ָ߲ ߾ָ , ִ֯ ׻֋ ֮ ָ Ӥ֮ ִ ֤֕ ֮ פ ֤ ֲ ֮, ָ ֮ ֟ ֤֟ ֕ ֻ֮ ִ , ֕ ֟-֋ , ִõ֋ , ִõֆ ֳ ִ֕ , ֮ ־ , ֮ ִõֆ ׻֋ Ӥ֮ ִ ?

ֳ֬ , ӕ׮ֵָ ֌ ֮ ֟ ֲ ֤ ָ ֟ , և ֟ ֲ ֟ , ֤ ֤ ֵ ָ ߴ֟ ֯ , ׻ ֜ ֟ ϣ ן , ֱֻ ׾֬ ֱֻ ָ֟ Ӥ׻֟ , Ӥ֮ ִ , ֱֻ ִ֕ ןֵ , ֱֻ Ӥ֮ ִ ? ..(ִֵ ә)..

ֳ֬ , ֯ ִ֬ ִִ ֛-֛ ָ ֻ ֟Դ֮ ׾֢ ӡ דָ֤ ָ ӟ ײ׻ֵ֮ ß , ׻֋ ֻ ֟ և, כ ףֵ ָ ־ֻ ָ ׻֮ ִ , ָ Ӥ֮ ִ ? ֕ ֲ פ ֵ ֵ , ֕ ָָ ֮֕ן , ־ ֕ , ֲ ־ ִ֮ , ִ ߵ ã֮ ׯ֔ ן, ד֟ ן, ד֟ ֮-ן ׾֪٣ֵ Ͼ ׻֋ ֮ ֮֮ ִ , ׾ָ Ӥ׻֟ ?

ֳ֬ , ֲ ִו , ٣ ִ֮֟ , ֲ ֮֕ן ֤֕ , ֲֻ֟ օ

(2 ָ ָ)

KGG/2J/1.40

֮ ֤ (֟) : , ֮ ֟ ִ֯ , ָָ ָ , ׾֬ ֵ ֵ þ֟ ߤ ֤, ֙ ָ , ֮ ָ , ӛ ֮ פֵ, ߤ ֤ ֟ ׸ օ - ֮־֤ (ִ֯)

SHRI PRASANTA CHATTERJEE (WEST BENGAL): Sir, thank you. On behalf of the CPI(M), our party, I fully support the 27 per cent OBC quota as enunciated in the Bill. We consider that the provision of reservation is good for the country, even as a partial acknowledgement of the inequities of the caste systems, discriminations and deprivations prevailing in our society for centuries. We know that historically, in the Indian society, the caste has determined the social strata; caste has been used as a means for consolidating exploitation by the rich and it is controlling the labour power.

Sir, it is the duty of all the true democratic-minded people to reject firmly the efforts of the vested interests of the upper castes to perpetuate the caste divide and deepen the caste-based passions and prejudices. Such a reservation, as in the Bill, though on a limited scale, will effectively provide opportunities for the dalits, adivasis and other backward classes to acquire education.

Therefore, it is a welcome step towards ensuring equality of access to higher education to a larger number of economically deprived students. I would like to refer a portion of the Standing Committee's unanimous decision: "47.2 : The Committee was informed that a number of socially and educationally backwards amongst the minorities were already included in the OBC list, but in reality they have got a very limited access to the benefits. In view of these, the Committee is of the considered opinion that the interests of the socially and economically backwards amongst the minorities may be taken care of through suitable mechanism to ensure proper access." That was the unanimous decision of the Standing Committee.

So, I would like to request the hon. Minister that the Ministry should set up a mechanism for the minorities. And, as it was the unanimous decision of the Standing Committee that the socially and educationally backwards amongst the minorities should be taken care, I would request the Minister to say something on that unanimous decision.

Secondly, Sir, so far as the private institutions are concerned, the opponents of reservation say that the reservation penalises the merit. We know, Sir; and, we may even go through today's newspaper where it is said that reservation is coming very soon even in the private institutions. Access to education in our country is highly unequal. (Contd. by kls/2k)

KLS/2K-1.45

SHRI PRASANTA CHATTERJEE (CONTD): Inequality begins at the school level itself. The withdrawal of resources under the new liberal regime has affected public institutions of higher education equally badly. The result has been rapid increases in fee in the existing courses and the starting of new courses under the so-called self-financing scheme. In the sphere of professional education, private institutions continue to mushroom giving complete stagnation to the capacity of public institutions in this sector. These institutions are run purely on a commercial basis and whatever restriction exists on their profiteering, that has also been removed following the Supreme Court judgement deregulating private unaided institutions mentioned earlier. So, I request the Minister and also demand for reservation in private unaided institutions. In view of today's report in the newspapers regarding these private institutions, I would like to request the Minister to throw light on this issue.

Sir, secondly, the minority chapter from the Mandal Commission Report -- and you know it -- has dealt at length with that issue. If I recollect, Sir, a portion of the Mandal Commission Report deals with it. Sir, our party CPI (M) strongly believes that a system based on exploitation and inequality cannot bring justice to the poor and oppressed classes in real terms. Wider policy to change and alter the socio-economic system is all the more necessary and that requires a political will. The Mandal Commission has also raised it in detail. Even the question of land they have dealt with. Under the land reforms, distribution of land to the landless labour and poor peasantry and strengthening the Panchayati Raj system will control the rural economy. So, that is the measure. The unity and empowerment of the rural poor will succeed in preventing caste-based oppression. In West Bengal, Sir, together with the existing rural situation and the historical movement of social reformers and the peasants struggle, the situation has changed a lot. So, while speaking on this subject, Sir, I would like to express this experience of West Bengal and I would like to refer to the Mandal Commission Report on this subject. The Mandal Commission Report is missing. Anyway, Sir. We in the CPI (M) support extension for OBC reservation in education and we support reservation in higher educational institutions for SC/ST and OBC people in the Central educational institutions. Sir, the CPI (M) believes that the benefit must reach first to the majority of the poor and deprived among the oppressed communities. Unlike the OBC category, there exists considerable heterogeneity within the OBC. Some castes within the OBC category are considerably more advanced than other OBC castes. (Contd by 2L)

-KLS-SSS/2L/1.50

SHRI PRASANTA CHATTERJEE (CONTD.): Secondly, within any given OBC caste, there is a considerable differentiation in respect of social and educational status and opportunities. While providing the benefits of the reservation for the more backward among the OBCs, our party holds that in the event of OBC quota not being filled up completely by such persons, the remaining OBC quota should go to the Creamy Layer among the OBCs and should not be re-allocated outside the OBC category. Sir while fully supporting, I mentioned at the very initial stage that our party fully supports 27 per cent OBC quota and we also pointed out here the unanimous decision of the Standing Committee relating to 47 (2) about the setting up of a mechanism for minorities and the private institutions that has appeared in today's paper. I want the reaction of the Minister on this very important issue. Sir, in conclusion, while supporting the present Bill and which will provide minimum solace to the deprived sections of our society, we believe that the fight for social justice has to go along with the fight for economic quality and real equality cannot be achieved without social justice. With these few words I conclude my speech with a request to the Minister once again to speak on the points mentioned here. Thank you. (Ends)

SHRI P. G. NARAYANAN (TAMIL NADU): Mr. Vice-Chairman, last year Constitutional amendment was brought and passed in both the Houses of Parliament to facilitate reservations to weaker sections, in aided and unaided educational institutions. Now, this Bill is before us to provide reservation to OBCs, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the Central educational institutions. Sir, while I support the move to reserve 27 per cent of the seats for OBCs in Central educational institutions, I have my own doubts whether through this Bill we can achieve social justice fully and protect the rights of weaker sections like OBCs from social injustice. Sir, as far as reservation to SCs, STs, and backward classes are concerned, Dravidian parties especially, AIADMK follow the footsteps of social reformer, late Shri C. Thanthai Periyar, E. V. Ramasamy Naickar and late Perarignar Anna who fought for social injustice for the weaker sections. Sir, I want to place on record that Sir, it was our revered leader, late Dr. MGR who raised the reservation quota for backward classes from 30 per cent to 50 per cent way back in 1980. Then, all the subsequent Governments have been implementing the reservation, the same reservation quota without any hurdles. So, there is a total consensus in my State about the reservation quota to backward classes. (Contd. by NBR/2M)

NBR-HMS/2M/1.55.

SHRI P.G. NARAYANAN (CONTD.): I also want to place on record the historic move of the AIADMK in protecting the 69 per cent reservation to these weaker sections of the society, in spite of the judgment from the Supreme Court fixing 50 per cent ceiling on all reservations. Sir, six-crore people of Tamil Nadu did not approve of this judgment. So, my leader, the then Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, Dr. Puratchi Thalaivi, enacted legislation in the State Assembly of Tamil Nadu to protect 69 per cent of reservation and persuaded the Central Government to include it in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution. Even after this, the reservation quota is not fully safe. So, we want another amendment to the Constitution. In this connection, my leader, Dr. Puratchi Thalaivi, met the then Prime Minister of the NDA, Mr. Vajpayee and the UPA Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh, and written so many letters requesting them to bring about an amendment to the Constitution to safeguard the reservation quota of the weaker sections. But, neither the NDA Government nor the UPA Government brought the necessary amendment to the Constitution. So, the national parties -- the BJP and the Congress -- are not interested to protect the welfare of the weaker sections of the society. As per the Mandal Commission's Report, submitted in 1980, the OBC population was 52 per cent in the country. But, now, the population of the OBCs has gone up to 65 per cent. Reservation quota for the OBCs should be fixed based on the population of the OBCs. The present reservation quota of 27 per cent for the OBCs is not in commensurate with the increase in population of the OBCs. The Supreme Court also observed that reservation is not a concession; it is a Constitutional right of the downtrodden people. So, the OBCs should be given, at least, 50 per cent of reservation. But the Government will answer to my question conveniently by saying that there is 50 per cent ceiling fixed by the Supreme Court. If the Government is really interested to protect the rights and safeguard the interests of weaker sections of the society, it can enact legislation or bring an amendment to the Constitution to override the judgment of the Supreme Court. But, it did not do so. The Government came to power with a slogan 'Aam Admi.' Do you think that the OBCs are not 'Aam Admis.' The OBCs constitute 65 per cent of the total population and they are the highest taxpayers. You cannot ignore them. The Government is doing everything against 'Aam Admi.' I am sorry for 'Aam Admi' who voted this Government to power. This is all I can say. Sir, I do not know why this quota for the OBCs in Central Educational Institutions is proposed to be implemented in phases. Having accepted 27 per cent of reservation for the OBCs, it should be implemented in one go and not in instalments. As far as my knowledge goes, it is going to implement 9 per cent in 2007, another 9 per cent in 2008 and the remaining 9 per cent in 2009. This is a great injustice to the OBCs.

Another important point is, the Government is going to increase the seats in all the Central Educational Institutions. Sir, what about the existing total seats? Out of the increased seats, 27 per cent of reservation is going to be implemented. (FOLLOWED BY VP "2N")

 

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