PREVIOUS HOUR

2N/klg-pb/2.00

ק (ָ Ϥ) : כ ָ ָ, ֯ ָ , ֮֯ ֮ פօ ֕ ׻ ָ ֻևخ ֮ ״ֻ, әֻ֮ ־ָ ו ָ , ָ ֮ ״ֻօ כ֮ ״׮Ù ָ , ֛֛ ָ , ָ֤֟ ׻ ָ ֟ , ֮ ׻ ָ ֟

(ֳ֬ (0 . . ׸֮) ߚ߮ )

ָ, ֕ ß֮ , ׮ֵ ׻ ״ ׻ ֮ և ׻֋ ׻ ״ֵ֟ ֤ ֟ ֵ֤ ׻ ״ֵ֟ ִ֟ ָ Ϭִ֮ӡ ֌ ״׮Ù , ֮ ֤ ׻ֵ ָ ֤ ֮ פ ֕ ״׮Ù ֵ , ֵ , ïֻև ֵ , ֣ ״֌ ֵ , ׻ ֯ әֻ ׻ ׻ ׸ꌿ֮ әֻ ׻ , ׻֋ ֲ ֻև 껱 әÙ ֟ , ֺ ֟ ו֋, և ֟ , ֕ ֻև 껱 әÙ ֟ , ֕ ׸׻Ù ׻ ֟ , כ ־ ֻ ׸׻Ù , כ ־ ֻ ֌ ևָ ֻ -ևִ ֮ ֻ ֱ ևכ׻֕ ֕ , -ևִ ֟ ׸׻֕ ֣ ߠ ߅ ׻֋ ׸׻Ù ֋ , ׸׻Ù ׻ , ֟ ׻֋ ֮ ֻև 껱 әÙ ֟ ֮ ָ ׻ ד׮֕ ֤ , ֻև 껱 әÙ ֟ ׮֕ ֟ , ֟ ֮ ֮ օ ֟ ָ ߕ Ùև , և Ùև , Ù׸ Ù߱և , Ùև ׻֋ ֮ ױֻ߱ ׻ֵ ֮ ֮ ֮ ׻֋ ִ ֮ פ ֻև 껱 әÙ ׿ֵָ ֺ

ָ, ָ ֟ ֟ ֻև 껱 әÙ , ֱ ָ әÙ , ׮ֵ ָ , ָ ߕ ׻ әֻ ӛ ְ և Ù ׻ ְ ׻ ֟ ָ ׻ ְ ׿ֿ ָ ׯ֔ -߮ ֻ ָ ״׮Ù , , ׸ ִ֮ ֮ ֟ ֟ ׻֋ ß֮ Ӥ , ß֮ և׸ߕ , ß֮ כ ꌿ֮ , ָ ׸֮ ֣ , ְ , We will go just by cold-blooded analysis of our self-interest. I do not agree with that.

ָ, ֟ ִ֣Ԯ ָ ֣ ָ ׸ , ֻ־ָ ָ ָ ֻ

2/ߋ ָ

SCH/SKC/2.05/2O

ק (֟): double-edged sword ֻ־ָ ָ ָ - ֮ օ ָ ֤ , ֲ ָ ָ֟ ָ ֤ כÙ ֟ , ֲ ֮ ֮ ָ֟ ׻֋ ִ ָ ̤֕, ָ ״׮Ù ߻ , ׯ֙ ִ֟ , ָ ָ ״֛ ָ ֟ ָ ֻ֮ әÙ ֯ ָ ß, ָ , ָ ֮ כÙ ֮ , ״׮Ù֮ ֤ ߲ ֮ ֲ ָ , what I mean is the Bush Administration. , ָ ֙ ٻִֵ ֈ ִִ ָ ß ָ ִ֣  ָ ֣ ß ִ֣ , ָ Ùߙ֮ ָ Ù دֻ֯ , ֣ we are one with them, ָ ׾ָ ״׮Ù֮ ׻ߕ օ ָ ״׮Ù֮ ֻ֟ ָ ֮ ָ ֤ ߲ פ , ִ֟ ִָ֤ ֟ ׻֋ ֕ ׸ ״׮Ù֮ ו ֛և ֟ , ֛և ׾ֵ֟ ׮ֵ֮ ֣ ֣ , ֕ ׾ֻևֻ֮ ֟ ֕ ָ ֓ ֻ ֛և ֻ ׻Ù , ׾ֻև֮ ߓ ָ ֻ ֛և ֟ ֻ ֮ , ֛ , ָ ֻ , ֛ ֛և ևכ , ևכ , ꯙ ֛և ָ ֮֮ ֻ ? ָ֟  , ָ֟ ֛և ֟ ָ ֛և ֮֟ ָ ߴ֟ ֮ ֛ ָ ֲ ׾ֻևֻ֮ ֟ , ֱ ß֮ ֛և û״ ִ׻֕ û״ ׸ ָ ֛և '׸' , û״ ׸, ו ßֻ ו̛ ָ-ָ ֤ פ֮ ß֮ ֮ -߮ פ ׿ֵ և ؙ ֲ ו̛ ׸ʹ ֟ ָ ׸ ֲ ϵ ׸ , India and the US are together in the fight against Islamic terrorism. ӡ ָָ ֮֮ are we together in this fight against 'Islamic terrorism' or 'terrorism'? ֮ әԻ әÙ әֻ֮ әÙ ֟ ߵָ ֻ֮ ֛օ ָ ߵָ ֯ ֟ ֟ ֻ ֋ ֟ ָ ֮ ׻֋ ֮ ׻֋ ָ և ֻ Ӥ ָ ָ ָ֟ ׻֋ ָָ ֮ ֟ פ֮ ֮ ׻ ֮֟ ֟ ֮ ֟ ֻ녠

ָ , ֻ ָ ֻ ֮֮ ״׮Ù ֮ ֟ פ֮ ָ ֙Ի ״׮Ù خ , י י ֟ߕ ָ ָ ֤ ֲ ꌵ׸ ֈ׮ֻ ֮ ׻֋ ֛և ֛ , ֲ ָ ֣ ֟օ ֲ ָ ֮ ָ ֲ ָ ֣ ֋? ָ ״׮Ù ֯ ֮ ״׮Ù ߕ ֋ ״׮Ù Ù , י ָ Ù , ָ Ù ָ

ֻ ֮ ֻ ִֵ ָ ֻ ָ ֻ ֻ ָ ֻ ֮֮ ָ ? ָ ? ָ ? , ׿ֵ י ָ ? ָ ֮ ֣ ? ֮ ֣ ֮ ׻֋ ״׮Ù ״׮Ù ֮ ׻ߕ , ֮ ֮ ו֕ ? 2p/MCM ָ ֿ:

MCM-GSP/2P/2-10

ק (֟) : ׻, ׻ ֓㋿֮ ֲ , , ׻֋ ֯ ״׮Ù Ӥ ֮ ֻ֮ ֛ ָ ֮ ֛ ֯ - י ׸ ׿ֵ ָ ֮ ֮ ֮ ֮ ָ , ֮ , ֮ ״ֵ֟ , 000 ׯֵ֮ ֤ ״ֵ֟ ׻֋ ֤ ֮ ׿ֵָ ֺ ߅ ָ, ָ ׻ ֟ ָ ֮ ֲ ״ ׻ ֟ , ֳ֬ , ֯ ֟ , ֮֯ ֮ ֛ ָ әÙ 000 ֮ ֮ ֵָֻ ָ ָ ׻ , Ù ׿ֵ Ӥ, ֱ יñև Ù ׿ֵ ߕ -ֵָֻ ׻ , ׻֋ Hindustan will follow them. ß֮ ֻ , ß֮ ֮ ׻ ֮ ֻ֮ ߅ ֵָֻ ֮ ָ ֻ־ָ ָ ו ָ ׸ ֣ ֤ ָ֕ ֋, ֮ כÙ ָ֕ ֋, ֛ , ֯ ׻֋ ׻ ֮ ָ ִ , ָ ״ әÙ, ָ ֌׸ әÙ, ָ ֕ ֌׸ әÙ Ù ׿ֵ ֣ ׻֋ ָ֕ ֟ Indians, Israelis are much closer ideologies. ִ ֟ ևכ, ֮ ևכ, ָ ߕ ָ ևכ, ֟ ևכ, ׌ֆ ִ ֮֮ ևכ 000 ֠ .....

ևכ, ևכ ָ כ ֵָֻ ? ָ ָ ֮ Ù ׿ֵ , ָ, Ù׸, ״, ֻ ׻י, ֵָֻ ֣ ߅ ׻֋ ֮ ֮֟ ֌ , ־֮ ֻ ֋, ß , ֲ ׻ ֵָֻ, כ 00, ꓵ , ״׮Ù , 0 ֤ ֮ ֮ ָ ֟ ׸և כ, 000 ֵָֻ ꓵ , ָ , ׸և ֺ

There are forces which are working in this direction, which are spreading this concept and this idea. And, we have to negate this idea in the interest of the country, in the enlightened self-interest of this country.

֟ ֱ ֺ ָ, ָ ֠ ָ ֤ ֮ ׻ ß֮ әÙ ־.......(־֮֬) , ״֮֙ օ

ֳ֬ (0 00 ׸֮) : ֻ ֟ , ֯ 11 ״֮֙ և , 15 ״֮֙ ׻֋ ״֮֙

ק : ֯ ֮־֤, ָ ֮֯ ָ ֣ ֮ ׻֋ ״֮֙ פօ ָ ו ָ ֕ ֤ , ִֵ ֮ ֮ ׻֋ ֮ ֟ ֟ Ùֻ, ֮ , , ӡ ֮ ֯ ִ֬ ׻ ֻ֮ ׻ ֮ ֻ֮ օ ִ ִ ֕ Ͼע ֮ ׻י ֙ ױ , ָ ו ָ , ֤ ֙ ׿ֵ֟ ׻ ֕ ׻֋ ֮ ֻ ָ֮ ֻ , 000 ֣ ָ ׸ , ׌ֆ ߻ , Ը֮ ָ , ָ ֮ ֻ ָ֮ ֻ ֻ ׻֋ ָָ ֯, ֟ ׻֋ ָ߱ ֌ ָ ִֻ֟ , ָ ٙ ֟ ߅

(2Q ָ ֿ:)

SK/GS-/2.15/2Q

ק (֟) : ׻֋ ֯ ָ ֟ ו֋ ָ ֟ ׾ָ , ָ ֕ ֯ ׻ ׾ָ , ׾ָ ևכֻ , ß֮ 껱 әÙ , ֵֻ֙ 껱 әÙ ׾ָ , ֯ ׾ָ ߔ י ֟ ל ָ י , ֵֻ֙ ֻ֮ ֮֮ , ֻ֮ ֕ , ׻֋ ܾß ׮֙ , ֯ ֟ ֟ ו֋ ָ ׻ ָ , ֵ֤, ״ֻ ß֮ ֮ ֮ ׾ָ , ֯ ֟ ו֋, ֟և ׾ָ ֯ ֟ ִ, ֯ ֟ ִ, - ׮֙ , - ֟ ָ , ֤֮ ֵ֟֕ , ׻֋ ׮֙ ֯ ֟ ֟ ו֋ ָ , ָ ֮ ׻ , ֮ ָ ָ ֤ և ֟ ָ, כ , ָ֕ ֟ ָ ָ ָ ֕ ״ ָ־ָ ֮֮ ֻ , ֟ ָ ָ ֛, ָ ֣ ֮ ֵ֛ ״ ֣ ֻ , ß֮ ֜ ֵ, ָ, ו ָ , ׻֋ ֮ ׻ ֮ ָ ֮֮ ֛ , ֮ ָ ֮֮ ֛, ״ ִֻ ָ ֮֮ ֛օ ݻ֤, ֻ, ߻, ß֮ ״ ִֻ, Ӵָ ׮ß֮ ״ ִֻ ß֮ әÙ , ׻֋ ״ ִֻ ֮ ״ ִֻ ֣ , ֜ օ , ֮־֤

(ִ֯)

 









׿֤ (֮ Ϥ) : ָ, ֮ ָ ֟ , ׻ ָ ֟ ߲-߲ וֿ֮ ָ ֲֵ Ù ׻ ָ ֟ , ߱ ֣ ֛ ָ וֿ֮ ד֕ ֻ , וֿ֮ ֤ ָ ׻֋ ֮ Ӥ֕֠ וֿ֮ ׻֋ ׻ ׻֋ ֮ ״֙ ֕ ִִ ֤, ָ, ֟ ׻ ֱ և Ù ß֮ և ֮ ֛ ׮ֵ ֱ ׸ ß֮ ֓ ׻ Ӥ ֟

ָ, ß֮ ֤֕ ߲-߲ 58 ֻ ֵ 58 ֻ ׮ֵ ֌ ֤ ֵ , ׮ֵ ׻ߕ ֤ և , ֕ ָ ׻ ׮ֵ֤ , 1955 כ ־ ֻ , ֌ Ϭ֮ ӡ ֳ Ӥ , ӓֿ߻ دֻ߯ פ , ִ ӓ ֟ , the recognition by countries of their independence and each other's independence and territorial integrity. ָ ֟ , non-aggression. ָ ֟ , non-interference with each other. ֟ , mutual respect and equality ӓ־ ֟ , co-existence. 1983 ֟ ִֵ֮ ִ Ӥ ״ Ӭ ָ we are against exploitation. We are for each other nation's rights to its resources and polices. (2ָ ָ ָ)

SC/YSR/2.20/2R

׿֤ (֟) : ָ, ֟ ָ ߋ ָָ ֮֜ ִ ֕ ָ ֮ ֣ - ֻ֤ , ß֮ , - ֲ ֣ ֤ ָ ׸ ֕ ׻ ֲ ֟ , ӓ ֛ , ֕ ß֮ ֲ ֤ ׸ ӓ ֣ և ײ , ו֮֟ ׸ ß֮ և ֣ , ֮ ׸ ֕ ׸ ָ-ָ ֓ ָ, ֣ ׸ ֣ ߴ , ײֻ ֲֻ֟ ׸ ָ ׻ߕ , ֣ analyst ׸ ֕ ׮ֵ ֲ ֛ ֱ ߮ ß , ׸ ֣ ׸ ֮ ׻֋ ß ֣ confront ֋, ֣ resist ֋ ֮ ֯ ׮ֵ Ӥ isolate פ ֋ Confront and resist the U.S. to get isolated. ָ ß to make a subordinate ally, ָ ß on the basis of equality. ֲָָ ֟ ֋ ֵ֤ ß֮ ׸ ֣ ֕ ߴ , ֲָָ ֵ֟ ֣ ׮ֵ ß֮ ߴ - ׸ ֤ ܾ ֟ , ß֮ ֣ ߴ ֮ ß , ß֮ Ù , ߴ ׻֋, ߴ ß֮ ׸ ֣ օ ֲ ߛ ß֮ ֋ ß֮ ߴ , 挻ߵָ ִֻ֯ - ׸ ß֮ ֣ ߴ օ ֮ ֯ו֮̿ ß֮ Ù ? ߛ ֯וֿ֮ ִ ֟ ß֮ ֵ֤ ß֮ ֵ֤ ̸֕ ߛ ֯וֿ֮ ̸֕ ? ß֮ ߴ ָ ߛ ֯ו֮̿ ֵ֤ ̸֕ օ Ը֮ ֣ ֮ פ , ָ ֯ו֮̿ ֙ Ӥ ֮֓ ִ ׸ ֲ֟ 3 ֓ 2003 ֌ Ϭ֮ ӡ ײָ ֕֯ , "I was a supporter of the policy of the Non-Aligned Movement even when I was in the Opposition. Now, no doubt, the world order is changing and militarily the world is not divided into two groups." - ߋ , , Ϭ֮ ӡ - ֕ ׸ ׮ֵ ֲ ֛ ݮ ׮ֵ Ӥ , ׸ ָ, ֲ ִֻ ֵ, ß֮ և ׻ , , I quote, "The U.S. amended UN Security Council Resolution 1483 just 48 hours before its passage last week to accommodate a request largely from India." כ ׸Ù , ֛ߋ ָָ ֮ Ӥ ֮ ׻֋ ָ , ׻֋ և 껵֮ Ӥ ֮ ײ֮ פ , ֛ ֋ ֮ ֻ ָ, ֯ ֮֟ ߋ ָ ָ֮ ߴ֟ ׮ֵ 4 ׻ ֟ ֱֻ Ӥ ֮

(2 ָ ֿ:)

VKK-MP/2S/2.25

׿֤ (֟) : ֕ ... ... ׸ ־ ִ ... , ׸ ־ ־ֲ ֌ Foreign Minister ֿ־ӟ ֮ , no decision had been taken yet on Indian participation in Iraq. ֣ ֟ ֱֻ Ը Ӥ ִ ֋ ָ, ֌ ֵ ׻ֵ ֵ ָ ß֮ ִ ֋ ....(־֮֬)...

SHRI V. NARAYANASAMY: Mr. Vice-Chairman, Sir, this discussion was insisted by the BJP. They wanted that a discussion should be held and they insisted for this even in the last session also. The Government is prepared. The hon. Prime Minister was here and discussion is being held. But, none of the BJP Members is here. Kindly take note of it, Sir. Let the hon. Chair consider it. Is this the way Opposition behaves in this House?

PROF. SAIF-UD-DIN SOZ: It is very unfortunate, Sir.

SHRI RAASHID ALVI: Sir, why should they initiate the discussion?

SHRI V. NARAYANASAMY: Why do they want discussion on the issue then?

SHRI SHANTARAM LAXMAN NAIK: Sir, I am on the 'border of breach of privilege'. I won't say any breach of privilege. Once you insist on a discussion, then, to boycott unofficially is a breach of privilege.

׿֤ : Business Advisory Committee ֮ ׿֧ ֣ ֵ , External Affairs ָ ߅ ֵ ֯ ״׮Ù ָ , ָߵ ֮֟ ֙ External Affairs Ministry ָ ֯ ֋, ֮ ָߵ ֮֟ ֙ ! ߛ ו֮̿ ֮ ֟ ֻ ֋ ֕ ָ ֟ ֻ֟ ׸֮ ֮ ! ֮ ӕߤ foreign policy ׻֋ !

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P.J. KURIAN): The Leader of Opposition went after saying that....(Interruptions)...

֮ ֻ ӛ : , ֓ ֻ , ֱ ӳ߸ ־ֻ ־ֻ ֤ߵ ָָ ֤ߵ ֵԤ օ ֤ߵ ָָ ֵԤ ן֯ ָߵ ֮֟ ֙ , ָ , ׿֋ ߅ , ֲ ֓ ֻ , ӯ ָߵ ֮֟ ֙, ֮ ָ ׾֯ ֟ Դ֮ ֵ ָָ ׻֋, ֤ߵ ֵԤ ׻֋ , ־ֻ ӳ߸ , ֟ ָ , ֤ߵ ֵԤֆ ã , ֯ ֤ ׸ ׻֋ ֯ , ׻֋ ׮־ ֲ ָߵ ֮֟ ֙ ֋, ֲ ׻֋ Ӥ ֋

PROF. P.J. KURIAN: No, let me make it clear. The Leader of Opposition went after stating that he had to see the doctor and because of health reasons. That is on record. He has said...(Interruptions)...

SHRI V. NARAYANASAMY: But, Sir, what about other Members because I need some kind of observation by the hon. Chair.

SHRI RAASHID ALVI: Sir, not even a single Member is there.

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P.J. KURIAN): At least some of the Members should have been present.

SHRI G.K. VASAN: There should be some observation for it.

֮ ֻ ӛ : ָ, ָ ֯ ׮ִֵ֮ Ӥ ָߵ ֮֟ ֙ ־ָ ֱֻ, ֲ ֲ ָߵ ֮֟ ֙ ֟

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: It is okay. You have already mentioned it. Now, you please proceed.

SHRI RAASHID ALVI: Sir, I request you that instructions should be issued to these people. At least, in future, they should not behave like this.

PROF. P.J. KURIAN: The Chair cannot direct anybody to be present or not to be present. It is up to them. I can say, it was better if they were present. Okay, please go ahead.

׿֤ : ָ, ֻ Ӥ Kurdish north Ӥ ֵ ֵ כ֮ ִ ֋ Kurdish north Ӥ כ ֋ ֕ ֟և և Ù undamaged ֱ ׻֋ ָ ß֮ ִ ... ָָ Ӥ ֟֓ߟ , ֤ ӳ߸ ֻ ֲ ... ָָ , ֻ֮ ״և כ Ù, ߮ ֱֻ , ֱֻ , ׮ֵ ָ ֱֻ , ß֮ ... ָָ ... ֵ֟ ߅ ß֮ ֟ ׻֋ ָ ״և ׻֋ ß֮ ֮ , ֮ ֛ ָ֟ ! (2 T/ASC ָ ֿ:)

ASC-RSS/2T/2.30

׿֤ (֟) : ֕ ֮ ׸ ־ ֻ ׻ֵ , NMD ֯ , ו֮ ֻ ׻ֵ օ ֮֮ߵ ־֮ Ù , וִ , it is under consideration, ָ ׾ָ֓ ָ, ֙ Ù ݻֻ ֵָ ֮֮ ֟ ߅ ֌ ӯ ֟ ָ ß֮ Ӥ ״֕և ֟߅ ևԮ ֵ ֱֻ˟ ߅ ָ, ֕ ߛ וֿ֮ ߴ ֵ֤ ? 挻ߵָ 45 ߕ , י , ׮ִֵ ֯և ״ֻ߅

ָ, ֕ ׮ֵ Ӥ ֵ, ևԮ, , ײΙ ׸ ֻ , - ֟ ִ ׸ , ֤ , ֵ ׸ Ӥ ֮ ߲ ß Ը֮ Ӥ , ִ 27 ߕ , ו֮ ֯ ִ , ִ ֵ ״ֻ , ִ ևԮ ״ֻ ִ ָ ߕ ״ֻ ָ ָ ׸ ֣ ֵ֤ , ϴ ָ ֮ ֮߮֠ ָ 挻ߵָ ֮ Ù, ָ ָ ֮֟ ׮ֵ 挻ߵָ ֮ Ù ֮օ ׻֋ ß֮ ׿ֿ ׻֋ ׸ ֵ֤ ֮ օ ָ ֻ ß֮ ֮ ׻֋ ֻ , ָ ׻֋ ֻ ָ ָ  ,  ָ ׮ֵ ֣ ָ֯ օ ֕ ևԮ 100 ײ׻ֵ֮ ָֻ ֤ ׸ ֣ ײ֮֕ , ָ ײ֮֕ ֱ 20 ײ׻ֵ֮ ָֻ 20 ײ׻ֵ֮ ָ , ߲-߲ 1/3 , 30 ָ ߲ ָ ײ֮֕ ֜օ ֵ֤ ֱ ׸ ֣ , ֱ 挻ߵָ ִֻ ָ , ֱ 挻ߵָ ֕ ָ և ӛ ָ , ߌָ֓ ָ ָ ָ ֯ ֋ 20 ײ׻ֵ֮ ֠ 껵 , ֜ 30 35 ֋օ ߛ וֿ֮ ֵ֤ , ִ ֟ ߛ וֿ֮ ֟ ִ ֟? ָ, 1998 , ֲ ֮ 挻ߵָ Ù , ו֮ ֯ օ Ù׻ֵ ß֮ ֋ ß֮ ֮ ֲӤ ߅ ֕ Ù׻ֵ , և ״׮Ù ß֮ ֋ ֤ ֲִֵ ָ ׻ ? ֕ ׮ֵ ו֮֟ ׻ , ָ ֛ , ָ , ֕ ß֮ ß ִ֮ ֣ ָ ָ , ֕ ß֮ ֣ ָ ו ָ ׸ , NDA ָָ , ..(־֮֬)..

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P.J. KURIAN): Mr. Raashid Alvi, you have taken 15 minutes. Please conclude.

׿֤ : ָ, ו֮֟ և ֯ ..(־֮֬)..

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: How much more time do you want to finish your speech? Two minutes! Please conclude within two minutes.

SHRI RAASHID ALVI: Right, Sir ֯ NDA ָָ , ִ ֟ ß֮ ֣ ׻ ֮և ֋ ָָ ֲ ׸ִ , ß֮ ֣ ָ ֟ ߅ We will fight to the end; we will fight to finish. ָ ׸ ֋ - ִ ֯ ׻ֵ ֵ ִ ָ ָ 6 ߮ ֛ ߅ ֻ ֟ ß֮ ֣ ָ ׸ ֮ ָ ׸ ֮ ?

(2U ָ ֿ:)

NB/MKS/2U/2.35

׿֤ (֟) : ֕ ָ ß֮ ֣ ָ ׸ positively ֜ ֕ ָ Ù ֋ , ָ ֮ ׻ֵ כ, global game Ӥ number one player , ֱ regional player ֕ ִִ terrorists ָָ Ӥ Ӥ , ִ terrorist ״ֻ , ו ־ӟ , և ֕ ײ֚ ׮ß֮ ֋ , Ӥ פ . ִ֮ Foreign Policy ֟ߕ , UPA ָָ Foreign Policy ֟ߕ , ֟ UPA ָָ ָ-ָ Ը֮ ִֻ ֮ ִ , ֻ֟ օ ָ , ֲ ֟ ֛ ֻ , ֱ ֮ ֛ 27 פ, 26 ֟, Ը֮ ִֻ ֛օ ֺ quote IAEA Ӥ ָ, 2003 ß, 2003 resolutions , resolutions , ֜ NDA ָָ ִֵ ֯ , ֌ ؙ , unanimous ֻ օ resolutions ֵ - "Iran should have reported these experiments in accordance with its obligation under its Safeguard Agreement." This was the Resolution. NDA ֌ ֵ֟ ߅ ֕ UPA ָָ ִ פ ֲ criticize ? ָ , ָ, 2003 ß, 2003 օ ֲ NDA ֯ ִ օ ֣-֣ ֮ ָָ ֺ ֮ interests ָ֬ ָ ֻ , ֟ ֮ ֮ Ը֮, ׮ß֮ ֮ ֋, Ը֮, Ը ֮ ֋ Ը Ӥ , ֌ ֮ ֱֻ ߅ ֕ ָ֟ ֮߮ ӛ ֋ ָ ֻ֟ ֻ , Ӥ ָ ֮

, ֮ Ϭִ֮ӡ appreciate Russia Prime-Minister ֟֓ߟ ׿ֿ Ը֮ ֻ ֋ ܾß ֟ ֮֜ ֺ , Ը֮ Ը ֮֮ Ը֮ ָ ß , Ը֮ ָ ֣ פ ־ֻ ֱ ß , ־ֻ Դָ֤֮ Ù ֮߮ Ը֮ ֮ ״ֵ , ֺ օ Ը֮, PNT ָ ֤ ֲָ , ָ Ը֮, ֱև ֣ United Nations IAEA ׌ֵָ Uranium Weapons ֮֮ ׿ֿ , ִֻ ׮֯֙ , ֣-֣ ָ ־֕ ָ ׌ֵָ ִ 1974 , 1998 ֮ ָ , ױ ָ , ֮ ָ behave , ß֮ օ ֮ ׮ֵ , ׌ֵָ ִ, Ը֮ ֵ, -׸ ֵ, ײֵ ֵ, ָ ß֮ ֵօ ß֮ irresponsible country ֵ֟ behave ִ օ ָ ֕ ß֮ ֜ , United States ֣ ָ agreement , ָ responsibility ֕ , ָ responsible behaviour ֕ , ֮ irresponsibly behave , ָ ־֕ ֛߅

ֳ֬ , ָָ ָ߱ ׻ ָ , ߅ ӓ ֛ ֣ ֕ ָ ׸ , ׸ ߤ ָ Ϭִ֮ӡ Prime-Ministership ֜ ִ Foreign Policy ֮֜ ִ օ ֮־֤ (ִ֯) Followed by 2W/TMV

TMV-VK/2W-2X/2.40 & 2.45

SHRIMATI N.P. DURGA (ANDHRA PRADESH): Sir, I feel it is my privilege and honour to speak on the functioning of the Ministry of External Affairs which plays a pivotal role in our foreign affairs and is in the limelight, particularly during the last couple of years when the issue of Iran came up. A few important Terms of Reference of the Ministry are to contribute its expertise on some aspects of the foreign policy, the actual implementation of the policy, strengthen India's relations with other countries, provide timely information and analysis to the Prime Minister and the concerned Minister about the international developments, apart from looking into other aspects such as Consular, passport & visa services, cultural relations through the Indian Council for Cultural Relations, etc. So, Sir, with your permission, l wish to touch only some of the important aspects relating to the working of the Ministry.

I first come to our foreign policy because it is intertwined with the Ministry's functioning. Sir, India is a country of immense diversity and the same has made it tolerant; perhaps, more ambivalent. We are conditioned in this way of life. Even our foreign policy reflects both ambivalence and tolerance. When we were forced to choose between imperialism and communalism, we chose to remain non-aligned. Similarly, when we had to choose between free market and planned economy, we went in for a mixed economy. It is because we are comfortable with the golden mean i.e., peace.

India, under the leadership of Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, along with Marshall Trio of Yugoslavia and G.A. Nazzar of Egypt, is the pioneer of the Non-Aligned Movement. But, are we following the Non-Aligned Movement now with same kind of quest and vigour? I sincerely believe we are not. We are gradually and more rapidly, during the last couple of years, tilting towards imperialism, subsuming our policy with the policies of the superpower of the world. This becomes clear if you look at many recent developments. Even, in an article, in the World Policy Journal, it was mentioned and I quote, "India did not pursue its policy of Non-Alignment in complete good faith. In practice, New Delhi rarely followed an independent foreign policy. The principal architect of India's foreign policy, JawaharlaI Nehru, was far more prone to criticising the shortcomings of the United States and the Atlantic Alliance." This becomes clear if you look at how India is following the dictates of the USA on the Iran issue. We are not even uttering a single word against the USA on the Iran issue; instead we are toeing the line of the US, leave alone opposing it. 1 don't want to touch the lran Issue since a comprehensive debate has already taken place in this very House. But, I wish to touch upon India's civil nuclear energy cooperation with the USA. I agree that India gained a little bit out of this agreement. But, the game is not over. The Congress has still to carry out the necessary changes in their domestic laws. In spite of that there are some grey areas which I wish to mention here. The first point is, as per the Agreement, Indian civilian nuclear reactors get fuel from other countries. It is welcome. After the production of nuclear power from the fuel that we get from the above countries, you will get Plutonium as a residue. And this very Plutonium is the prime source for our military nuclear facilities. It is understood, since there is no mention about this in the statements made by the Prime Minister, the Plutonium which we will get as a residue should be returned to the countries which have supplied us the fuel. If it is to be returned, how does this Agreement help India to meet Plutonium requirements of our military nuclear facilities because, ultimately, you are not allowed to retain Plutonium for our military nuclear reactors? So, this may be clarified.

The second point is: We are going to put 14 of our civilian nuclear reactors under the IAEA. But, we get no assurance from the USA. The March 7th statement only says that India and the USA will convene a group of countries and pursue such measures as would restore fuel supply to India. So, there is no commitment or assurance from the USA that there will be regular and uninterrupted fuel supply to India.

The third point l wish to make is: India is having more Thorium reserves than any other country in the world. India, I think, has little plutonium reserves. I would like to know whether the Government can think of getting Plutonium in exchange of Thorium. If yes, the details may be given.

Then, I come to the point of India's security concerns at the regional level and at the global level. I only wish to touch the security aspects at the regional level only. We should view this holistically. I wish to know how the Ministry is handling this challenge so as to enhance peace, stability and cooperation on India's borders, with the regions and between the regions with which we have increasing interaction. For example, instability in South Asia would definitely impinge on our security.

If there is any problem in the Gulf or the present problem in the Middle East also adversely affects India's security environment, not only in terms of energy supplies but also in terms of the presence of a large India Diaspora in this region, in this backdrop, how is the Government of India moving ahead? We have problems with our neighbours. Let us take Nepal. India continued to be a major trade partner of Nepal. India also signed a Treaty called India-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship in 1950. But, still, we are the victims of Naxalism which has its links with the Maoist groups in Nepal. We have done nothing concrete to suppress this problem. We have problem of extremists using Nepal land to launch activities inimical to India's interest. So far, we have done nothing concrete with the Nepal Government in this regard. I even don't know how the Government of India is looking at the recent coup by King Gyanendra in dethroning the democratically elected Government. I wish the Government to spell out its position on this clearly. We also have problem with Bangladesh. illegal migration from Bangladesh is going on and is resulting in ethnic, social and religious tensions in the Indian States bordering Bangladesh. The rising storm of Islamic militancy in Bangladesh is also a great cause of concern. There is no improvement in spite of having regular meetings at the level of DGs of the BSF and the Bangladesh Rifles, a Joint Working Group and the Home Secretaries. So, I would only say that India and Bangladesh have to have a pragmatic view on these for maintenance of peace and tranquillity in this region. The only main problem I see from Sri Lanka is the apprehension of Indian fishermen by the Sri Lankan Navy. I fail to understand that in spite of having two Agreements in 1974 and 1976, why is it that India and Sri Lanka are not able to solve the problem of fishing rights in the Gulf of Mannar and apprehension of Indian fishermen on the International Maritime Boundary Line? With China, of course, we are going on the right path and the main issue with it is the boundary dispute. I hope this would be resolved soon. I do not want to say much on Pakistan. But, I only wish to know what has happened to the expert-level meeting on nuclear confidence building measures and what is the progress of talks on six subjects, i.e., Siachen, Sir Creek, Tulbul Navigation Project, economic and commercial cooperation, terrorism and drug trafficking and promotion of friendly exchanges and the composite dialogue process started, sometime, in mid 2004. I would also like to know the progress of the proposals which have been added to the CBM basket.

Sir, 1 wish to make a point on India's quest for a permanent seat in the Security Council. The need to reform the UNSC has also been recognised by the High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change which had submitted its Report in March last year. We had formally presented our candidature for a permanent membership of the UNSC in 1994. If you look at it on any basis or on any objective criteria such as population, size, GDP, economic potential, civilizational legacy, maturity of political system, contribution to the activities of the UN, particularly in peacekeeping operations, we are well qualified to become a permanent member of the Security Council. We have had an agreement with G-4 countries and trying to muster support from a number of other countries. But, no tangible progress is visible on this. I would like to know what the Ministry is doing in this regard.

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN (PROF. P.J. KURIAN): Please conclude.

SHRIMATI N.P. DURGA: Sir, this subject is very wide. I have to express my views on that.

THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: Your time was seven minutes. You have already taken nine minutes. There are other speakers also. You come to the concluding paragraph. Please come to the last page.

SHRIMATI N.P. DURGA: I appreciate the proposed move of this Government for reviving its Historical and Research Division which was disbanded in 1993 by the Congress Party itself. There have been demands, for quite sometime, for revival of this. But, I think, now, it is going to be reopened again. This Division is very important because this is the Division which carries out research on the documents and reports of the Ministry and also writes detailed background papers on foreign policy issues. I want that this be revived immediately.

Sir, there is a criticism -- of course, it is true -- that the External Affairs Ministry, the PMO and his advisors virtually have monopoly on all international affairs, including the areas in which the Ministry has no expertise. The Ministries of Defence, Commerce & Industry, and Finance have a role to play in formulating foreign policy on their subjects. But, the Ministry is not allowing them to play their role which they ought to have been for a better shape in the policy-making. For example, you have removed the Armed Forces from policy-making. The Ministry expressed its reservations on investment by private companies of India in Bangladesh. You have objected to the Petroleum Ministry's efforts to rope in Bangladesh in connection with a pipeline project from Myanmar. You are not allowing the Indian oil companies to bid for shares in Pakistan's oil companies. These are only some of the examples where the Ministry is standing as an impediment in the prosperity and economic development of the country. So, 1 suggest that it is better to allow the other concerned Ministries to formulate policy issues of their concern.

So, Sir, these are some of the areas, which I thought, I should touch upon, within the limited time given to me and bring to the notice of the hon. Prime Minister to take appropriate measures for an independent foreign policy. Thank you. (Ends) (Followed by 2Y)

2y/2.50/ks

SHRIMATI S. G. INDIRA: Sir, since I have limited time, Mr. Narayanasamy should not interfere when I speak.

SHRI V. NARAYANASAMY: What is this? I am sitting here quietly. Why is she unnecessarily dragging me into it? Well, if it is foreign policy, I will not; but if it is Tamil Nadu, then, I will.

SHRIMATI S. G. INDIRA (TAMIL NADU): Sir, when we are talking about the working of the Ministry of External Affairs, what comes first to our mind is the foreign policy of the Government. As regards the foreign policy, India is at a crucial juncture because from a bipolar world, we have come to an almost unipolar world. So, the Government has to exercise great caution while reshaping the foreign policy.

Now, we are talking about the UPA Government's action about the Indo-US nuclear accord. This is being hailed as something great and in the interest of India. We forget that it is only a paper now. Unless ratified by the Congress, certain restrictions already imposed will not be removed. Even if the agreement gets through, what do we stand to gain and what do we stand to loose? This is to be analysed in detail.

The importance of signing the nuclear deal with India was activated by President Bush when he was in his aircraft to India, and he started the operation in this regard. When he landed in New Delhi, he had said that he wanted that the deal to be signed during his visit itself. Then only, we started our operation to propose the draft by conducting interaction with nuclear experts, and finally the agreement was signed. Here, the question arises whether we are doing it under the direction of America. When President Bush had landed in India, in reply to a question on the issue, he had said that he wanted the agreement to be signed during this visit. And, we had obliged him by doing it. The question arises here, why our mission in Washington failed to understand the American mood?

Traditionally, we have been following the policy of non-alignment and this has certainly raised the prestige of India in the international area. We are in the unipolar world now and that calls for great care in dealing with great powers like the US. We have a time-tested friend, Russia, which stood through India in times of need. But the Agreement with the US should not be seen in isolation. There are other aspects like agricultural sector where we should be very careful. There has been a pressure in the past on the reduction of agricultural subsidies and also free power for irrigation purposes. It is also a fact that farming in the US is heavily subsidised in spite of advanced technology used there.

(Contd. by 2z/TDB)

TDB/2Z/2.55

SHRIMATI S.G. INDIRA (CONTD.): In the past, there has been pressure on India on the question of reduction of agricultural subsidies, and also free power given to farmers for the purposes of irrigation. It is also a fact that farming has increased in the US, and the United States is giving various types of subsidies to its farmers. So, this issue should also be considered. We should not always oblige the United States. I feel it is my duty to caution the Government about our policy towards other countries. This Nuclear Agreement with the United States should not affect our relationship with other countries because the United States has certain reservations about Cuba, Iran, North Korea, Zimbabwe, Myanmar and Belarus. So, my caution of word to the Government is that our signing of this Nuclear Agreement with the United States should not affect our relationship with these countries. On the other hand, our relationship with various countries should be determined by our own policy and our national interest. Now, His Excellency had gone to Myanmar in order to have good relationship with that country. He had a successful visit to Myanmar. But, America has its own reservations about Myanmar.

Sir, the issue of terrorism should not be seen in isolation. The United States wants India to have enmity with those countries with which it has enmity. Although the United States has been speaking about cross-border terrorism for a long time, but it has not come forward to take any serious action against Pakistan from where the terrorists are being trained and sent to our country for creating so many problems. Those terrorists are carrying out attacks in our country. So, we should adopt a cautious approach in this regard. We should be careful in having relationship with the US.

Sir, the other point which I want to raise is this. There are some States which are having special interest in signing agreements with the foreign countries. We are having some agreements with foreign countries. For example, the policy of the Union Government towards Sri Lanka, Malaysia and Singapore is of great relevance to Tamil Nadu because a lot of people from Tamil Nadu are going to these countries to earn their livelihood. Sometimes, they are cheated, and then, they wander here and there, and they immediately come back to India. So, here, I want to stress the point that whenever the Foreign Policy is reshaped, even in a minor way, it is important to ascertain the views of all the political parties and also the views of all the Chief Ministers. Such a step will avoid unnecessary controversy which was witnessed during the recent visit of President Bush. During the visit of the US President, there were so many protests at various places in the country. It created an ugly situation. So, in order to avoid recurrence of such a situation, all the Chief Ministers should be consulted before start of such a visit. In his recent visit to India, the Prime Minister of Australia went to the IIT, Chennai. So, everyone wants to have some special interest in some States. So, in order to have good relations with the foreign countries, the Government should call meeting of the Chief Ministers whenever some foreign head of State comes to India.

Sir, my next point is about the problem being faced by the Indians working abroad. The Indian citizens working in foreign countries, particularly in the Gulf, Malaysia and Singapore are facing a lot of problems. They are promised that they would get very good job and salary there. But, when they reach there, they do not find any job. They feel cheated and return back to India. (Contd. by 3a)

PREVIOUS HOUR
MAIN
NEXT HOUR